RUDN Journal of Political Science

The issue of the journal is devoted to a wide range of issues related to the history of ideas, identity issues, the multipolarity of the world, as well as the translation of value meanings and socio-cultural divisions. The articles consider the key aspects of the formation and development of various ideological trends, their impact on modern social processes and cultural transformations. Special attention is paid to the issues of identity at both the individual and collective levels, the analysis of the mechanisms of its construction and its role in the context of globalization. The problems related to the multipolar structure of the modern world, where various political, economic and cultural systems coexist, are also discussed. An important place is occupied by research on the topic of translation of value-semantic narratives, which reveal the mechanisms of transmission of cultural values through generations and between different social groups. The issues of socio-cultural divisions and value splits are considered, which allows for a deeper understanding of the causes of conflicts and tension in modern society. The materials of the issue are of interest to researchers in the field of philosophy and history of politics, specialists in the field of identity studies, as well as for anyone who seeks a deeper understanding of modern social processes and challenges.

Liberal values, developed by Western ideology and political science for three centuries, formed the methodological basis in the politics of many countries, which are focused on freedom and democracy, in solving complex socio-political and political-philosophical problems. On their basis, the collective West built a unipolar world with the unconditional hegemony of certain ideological attitudes. Due to the exhaustion of these attitudes today and the lack of new ones that could support the dominant position of Western countries in the international arena, an information war is being waged against countries that have chosen a political vector based on other value grounds, with all the ensuing consequences, up to armed clashes. In modern conditions of the global trend towards multipolarity, alliances of states are being created, focused on preserving self-identity and constructive dialogue with all those who recognize it. The objective reasons for this trend are primarily due to the globalization processes taking place in the global economy. Due to the development of logistics technologies, it naturally became necessary to develop new forms of cooperation. One of the ways of such regulation of relations has long been the unification into associations, alliances, unions, etc. In this regard, for Russia, a transcontinental state that partially occupies the territories of Europe and Asia, the most promising strategic direction is the paradigm of Eurasianism, which has a century-old history, the main goal of which is the harmonization of interregional relations. The article draws a parallel between the thinkers of Eurasianism - a worldview movement that arose among Russian emigration at the beginning of the last century - and modernity in order to develop the most acceptable political guidelines in a rapidly changing globalized world based not only on the economic strategies of states, but also on common basic cultural values.

The study is devoted to the role of public digital communication in the processes of formation and translation of value-semantic narratives in modern political communication. The authors consider the importance of the axiological space of the state in the management of public and individual consciousness. It is determined that Internet communication and digital algorithms contribute to the formation of a variety of agendas and discourses, which are influenced not only by the state, but also by new subjects of political communication - “digital elites”, bloggers and other users who form public digital communication, including from abroad. Traditional agents of socialization cannot fully shape a person’s worldview, and therefore citizens may be more susceptible to manipulative algorithmic tools of digital platforms on which destructive narratives are broadcast that contribute to the destruction of the worldview and values of society. Therefore, in order to preserve the sovereignty of the state and to resist a new type of colonialism based on the technological advantages of Western countries, it is necessary to ensure information, technological and cultural security, which will also protect the integral axiological space necessary for the consolidation of society.

This study examines current trends in political leadership research in the context of theoretical and methodological debates regarding the key dichotomies of personality vs institution, authoritarianism vs democracy. In most scientific publications, especially by foreign authors, these concepts are interpreted not so much substantively as ideologically, turning into markers of commitment to conservative or liberal narratives. ‘Democratic transit’ through ‘color revolutions’ in the context of intensive information exchange intensifies the multidirectional trends of globalization and glocalization, introducing into the sphere of public policy leaders with dubious subjectivity who do not justify the hopes of either foreign beneficiaries, or local elites, or the population. Attempts to build political institutions where decisions are made not by leaders, but by elites, in countries that are not part of the circle of Western democracies, prove unviable. The purpose of this article is to separate ideological clichés from definitions, turning to the aspects of an authoritarian personality in the context of political leadership. It is concluded that the personological approach is fundamental in the study of this phenomenology, which implies consideration of a set of personal traits of a politician in the process of implementing his/her powers. This makes it possible to move away from the incorrect assessment of a leader according to the model of democrat vs autocrat towards the development of an analytically oriented method. Since at present in the West it is customary to consider ‘democracy’ the political system in those states that correspond to the WEIRD category, then the form of government in other regions can be characterized by representatives of the West as autocracy, regardless of the election system, regulations for the exercise of power, its change and other factors. This view is a relic of the unipolar world concept, demonstrating rigidity and agonism, which contradicts the concept of multipolarity, which is adhered to by Russia and its partners in various associations, including BRICS. This article contributes to the study of the multidimensional phenomenon of political leadership in terms of removing conceptual and methodological contradictions.

The issues related to the causes of the formation of Chartist ideology in England in the XIX century, as well as the influence of this movement on the subsequent development of European socio-political thought are to examine. The assessments of the Chartist movement in Russian and foreign historiography are analyzed separately. Special attention is paid to the life path and creative legacy of James O’Brien (1805-1864), one of the brightest Chartist leaders, publicist, journalist and reformer, whose activities and radical position of a militant Irishman set the tone for the entire working-class movement in England. Another undeniable merit of O’Brien is his quite successful attempt at a theoretical and ideological justification of the Chartist movement, which none of his contemporaries tried to undertake. The authors dwell in the most detail on the content of his fundamental work O’Brien “The Rise, Progress and phases of human slavery: how it came into the world and what needs to be done to make it go away.” It is in this work that one can find not only vivid calls for struggle, but also trace the connection of his ideas not only with the parliamentary history of Britain, but also with the general history of the labor movement.

Sugiyama Shigemara (1864-1935) was known as one of the ideologues of domestic and foreign policy in the Meiji, Taisho and early Shōwa periods. It is known that he was one of the closest associates of the Asianist Toyama Mitsuru (1855-1944), who headed the right-wing radical political society Genyosha and was considered one of the most influential people in Japan in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Like Toyama, Sugiyama was known as a “kuromaku” who never held political office as a “grey cardinal” or participant in “backstage games”. At the same time, Sugiyama was a political thinker who left behind a legacy of creativity and his own vision of Japan’s future development. One of the themes of his work was undoubtedly the “Russian question”. The aim of the study is to analyse Sugiyama’s legacy and to formulate his proposed version of the development of Russian-Japanese relations. Object is the socio-political doctrine of Sugiyama. Subject is the project of the Siberian Republic, outlined by the philosopher in the work “The Politics of Civil War”. As methods were used historical-politological and politicaltextological analysis. The research contains scientific novelty, as it reveals little-studied aspects and peculiarities of Japanese political thought of the end of XIX - beginning of XX century; it introduces into scientific turnover the texts, which have not been translated into Russian before.

When pursuing a policy in the field of managing political and territorial heterogeneity, States are forced to consider the complex nature of societies. To record data on the manifestation of certain identities, ethnic statistics are conducted, carried out more often in the census format. The changes recorded by identity censuses reflect changes in attitudes towards the most significant categories, their hierarchy, as well as the way these categories are grouped. The article aims to characterize the census as a tool for constructing ethnic groups, which leads to institutional changes in the very concepts of belonging, as well as to the reform of political institutions. Based on the theoretical foundation of the socio-constructivist approach, it is shown that the census not only and not so much reflects social reality in its ethnic aspect, but rather constructs it. The performative power of identity categories used to classify people by ethnicity has been recorded. The State practice of ethnic counting and classification gives ethnic categories their institutional form. It is proposed to consider ethnic categories in the context of the concept of institutionalization of ethnicity, the meaning of which is the rooting of ethnic categories in the political process. Through the approved categories, government agencies are able to record statistics, and determine a set of membership lists, and use these criteria of attributes in management practices. The key practices of instrumental solutions in this regard are related to the reforms of the administrative-territorial division, the system of government, the granting of autonomy, as well as various preferences.

The issue of Ewes political identity is extremely relevant for the countries of their residence, since both countries have a diverse ethnic composition of the population and autonomy, or the separation of a large ethnic group can destabilize the political situation, push other ethnic groups to self-determination, and, in general, raise the question of the legitimacy of postcolonial state borders, which is relevant for most countries of West Africa. In this regard, the purpose of the study is to analyze the process of Ewe political selfidentification formation after the countries gained independence and to state the modern image of identity based on self-identification studies. The modern image of identity of the Ewe in Ghana and Togo is analyzed based on a sociological study by D. Zormelo in 2020 and a similar study by the author of this article in 2024. The study is based on a constructivist approach using retrospective and historical-systemic methods. In the context of the study, the author states that the problem of the Ewe ethnic identity formation has historical roots, since the Ewe, despite having a common language and cultural tradition, have always been disunited and are still characterized by a clan-tribal structure of self-government, which exists in parallel with the state vertical of power. At the same time, the independence of Ghana and Togo in the 1950s involved the Ewe in a competitive struggle with other ethnic communities claiming state power and resources. In the 1970s, the confrontation was in an acute phase, but in recent decades it has passed into a latent phase. As showed a sociological survey conducted in the two countries, the Ewe certainly recognize the presence of their cultural and linguistic identity, but there is no commonality of political goals today, although ethnic identity is an effective tool for political speculation on the topic of regional stability.

The article examines the role of Moscow as the capital of the Russian Federation, as a megalopolis in changing and supporting the value-civilizational specifics of Russian society, its influenceontheprocessofformationofthe Russiancivilizationalidentity, ensuringthefullsovereignty of the country. The methodology of the work includes civilizational analysis, concepts developed within the framework of identitarian research, recognition of the politicization of civilizational meanings, recognition of the civilizational meaning of identity as a key factor, recognition of the multiplicity of ways of political development as opposed to a linear normative model. The dynamic process of the formation of Russian identity is considered on the example of Moscow in sociocultural, economic, and political terms. The analysis of the results of student surveys in focus groups is given on who they can say “we” about, on the problem of resource allocation between Moscow and the regions, on obstacles to improving mutual understanding between Moscow and the regions, on what unites Moscovites and other Russians. It is shown that students give priority to the national civic identity and the value of the lifestyle associated with this identity. The problem of social justice in relations between Moscow and the regions attracts great attention of young people. The recommendation on the need for the practice of creating a single value field (institutional means, the role of religious organizations, the use of the discourse of an external threat) for a stable systemic connection between Moscow and the whole country in the context of identity politics is substantiated.

Identifying the dynamics and prospects of the state’s communication strategy in the digital space, aimed at strengthening and increasing the stability of the Russian macropolitical identity is in the focus of major research project and this study as it’s part. To achieve this goal, the study identifies threats and risks to the sustainability of macropolitical identity in the digital space, due to both the very specifics of the functioning of the digital environment and the actual realities of the global information and cognitive confrontation in which the Russian state is today. The dynamics of the transformation of the structure of digital communications and digital media consumption of Russians in the last two years, as well as the role and place occupied by the problem of macropolitical identity in this structure is to be discussed. The promising approaches to building an effective strategy of the state to ensure the sustainability of the Russian macropolitical identity are offered.

Using the categorical apparatus created in Russian Political Science, the author describes the ideological argumentation of the US foreign policy identity. The works by American and Russian authors published in 2024 that examine concepts about the status, role, and place of the United States within the political debate on American identity provide the empirical data. The author claims that these publications offer analytical and factual support for the development of identity issues in the foreign policy context.

It is no coincidence that the book by Alexandr Lefebvre, professor of political science and philosophy at the University of Sydney, has caused a rather complex range of impressions in the Western academic world and political journalism immediately after its publication by Princeton University Press. Scientists were undoubtedly attracted and at the same time somewhat puzzled by the author’s rather unconventional interpretation of the phenomenon of liberalism. Judging by the context of A. Lefebvre’s earlier works, his turn to the problems of liberalism seems quite unexpected. The reason for the scientist’s sudden turn to the topic of liberalism is caused by a number of theoretical considerations of a political and philosophical nature. The central role in A. Lefebvre’s “strategy” is played by the concept and image of the “Christian kingdom” (Christendom), borrowed from biblical political rhetoric. The “liberal kingdom” (Liberaldom) is, according to A. Lefebvre, a mixture of liberalism and other ideologies and systems, including capitalism (with its individualism, materialism and instrumentalism), democracy (with its latent populism), nationalism and internationalism (with their patriotism and often chauvinism), meritocracy (with its calculations of value and reward), as well as overtly illiberal forces. This character of Lefebvre’s argumentation can hardly be perceived positively by many real and potential allies of liberalism. In general, A. Lefebvre’s book differs from many apologetic works, first of all, in that the apology for the liberal way of life presented in it spontaneously acquires an overtly conservative shade.