RUDN Journal of Political Science

Editor-in-Chief: Yuriy M. Pochta, PhD, Professor

ISSN: 2313-1438 (Print) ISSN: 2313-1446 (Online)

Founded in 1999. Publication frequency: quarterly.

Open Access: Open Access  APC: no article processing charge.

Peer-Review: double blind. Publication language: Russian, English

PUBLISHER: Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba (RUDN University)

Journal History

Indexation: Russian Index of Science Citation, RSCI, Google Scholar, Ulrich's Periodicals Directory, IPSA, WorldCat, Cyberleninka, East View, DOAJ, Dimensions, ResearchBib, Lens, Research4Life, JournalTOCs, British Library, Bodleian Libraries (University of Oxford), Ghent University Library

 

The mission of the Journal is a broad exchange of scientific information and results of theoretical and empirical studies by researchers from different fields of Russia's Political science: Comparative Politics, Russian Political History, Political Sociology, as well as Political Philosophy and Political Psychology. 

The purpose of the Journal is enhancement of research efficiency in the field of political science on the basis of the development of scientific, editorial and publishing activities as well as dissemination and approbation of modern techniques and the latest achievements of political science in order to realize the mission of a modern classical university. Principal objectives of the journal:

  • conceptualization of political problems, goals, trends and tasks and further development of political self-consciousness and political culture;
  • providing the researchers with an opportunity of free expression and exposition of their vision of political processes and institutions within the framework of scientific discourse while allowing critical review of political problems through the prism of certain concepts, aspects and approaches;
  • cooperation with Russian academic and educational institutions in order to expand the information field and promote exchange of scientific knowledge;
  • in publications, materials should be selected according to the specificity of RUDN University in general and topics of selected countries in particular;
  • expanding the authors’ cooperation network;
  • promoting the image and helping to further recognition of the journal by expanding its international activity and visibility;
  • advancing the journal in the market of scientific periodical reviewed works;
  • using the published materials in research and educational process at Political Science departments of Russian higher educational establishments as well as within the Human Sciences framework.

The journal is designed for publishing the results of independent and original research works by researchers, professors of RUDN University and scientific centers in the form of research articles, review materials, scientific reports, and bibliographical reviews on certain subjects and within selected scientific areas. The journal provides an overall coverage of political processes in Russia and the contemporary world. At the same time, following the scientific trends of the University, special attention is paid to Russia-related studies: Political history of Russia; Religion and state politics; Contemporary political process; Russia in the system of international relations; Foreign policy of Russia; political thought and methods of Political Science research. Particular attention is paid to the problems of political and state development of contemporary Russia. Research is based on the principles of methodological pluralism and the interdisciplinary approach, as well as studies of international relations and dialogue of civilizations in the context of ongoing changes in the global landscape. Concurrently, traditional methodological tools of Political Science are being reconsidered.

Announcements

 

Call for papers issues 2022-2023

Posted: 21.12.2022

 N1' 2023 Special issue "Ideas, Ideologies and Social Cohesion) (guest editor Alexander Shirinyants)

N2' 2023 Special issue "Political theory and Methodology" (guest editor Tatyana Alekseeva)

N3'2023 Special issue "Political urban and rural studies" (guest editor Elena Morozova)

 

Call for papers issues 2022-2023

Posted: 10.02.2022

N3' 2022 Special issue "Digital Transformations in Politics" (until 15.04)

N4' 2002 Special issue "Politics in the Russian Regions" (until 15.07)

N1' 2023 Special issue "Ideas, Ideologies and Political Movements" (until 15.10)

N2' 2023 Special issue "Political theory" (until 15.01.2023)

Methodological seminar

Posted: 31.03.2021

Methodological seminar " Development of civil Identity in the Post-Soviet space»

 
More Announcements...

Current Issue

Vol 26, No 2 (2024): The Value-Worldview Foundations of Politics

Editorial

The Value-Worldview Foundations of Politics: Conceptual Understanding and Prospects for Empirical Study. Introducing the Issue
Selezneva A.V.
Abstract

From the point of view of political science, the formation of a worldview is associated with a person’s awareness of himself in the surrounding socio-political reality, the development of a certain value attitude towards the objects present in it and the building of his own model of interaction with them. The semantic basis of a worldview is values, including political ones, which exist in the form of social ideals, shared by members of social groups or society, ideas about excellence in politics, or personal life orientations of an individual. Axiological guidelines for the development of a country are determined by national or traditional values. Having defined the content and semantic content of the concepts of «worldview», «ideology» and «identity», denoting interrelated socio-cultural and political-psychological phenomena based on values, the author offers a model of their conceptual coupling, reveals the semantic and instrumental aspects of the process of their formation. The formation of the value and worldview system of society is a long-term process, the nature and course of which is determined by the political and cultural traditions of the nation, the actual context of people’s life and the strategic objectives of the country’s development. The processes of formation of value and worldview systems of an individual and society are interconnected and interdependent.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):223-233
pages 223-233 views

SEMANTIC POLICY GUIDELINES: IDEAS, CONCEPTS, THEORIES

Political Orientations of Russians: Strategies for Modern Research
Yakovlev M.V.
Abstract

Based on a systematic review of 192 scientific articles published from 2019 to 2023. In journals included in the list of peer-reviewed publications of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Russian Federation, two main strategies for studying the political orientations of Russians are distinguished: dominant and critical. Within the first, a consensus was reached that the basis of the political orientations of Russian citizens are ideas that can be united under the leadership of traditionalism and analytically examined in the conceptual prism of moderate conservatism. The authors adhering to the second strategy problematize the accepted interpretation of tradition and aim at revealing the contradictions present in the worldview of Russians, showing the significance of the chronic fragmentation of Russian society. A comparison is also made of the areas of research on political orientations in Russia and in other countries. It is indicated that foreign scientists pay very little attention to Russian political culture itself; the available works are focused on its protest aspects and on the historical context of the formation of its specificity. Unlike their foreign colleagues, Russian scientists are most interested in studying the current political orientations of young people. The author concludes that solutions to some of the most pressing research problems are revealed in the civilizational and other approaches developed by Russian researchers, which contribute to the convergence of both strategies, the unification of their positive potential and at the same time can shed light on what seems to be a long-standing and truly most important and the current problem of the political orientations of Russian society - inconsistency, polarization, fragmentation, which may have taken shape in the civilizational specifics of Russia.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):234-244
pages 234-244 views
The Role of the Value Basis in the Context of Waging Non-Kinetic Wars: Methodological Prerequisites for Analysis
Kurochkin A.V.
Abstract

The relevance of the topic presented in the article is determined primarily by the current foreign policy situation, namely the hybrid war unleashed by the collective West against the Russian Federation, a significant component of which are the so-called nonkinetic wars: informational, organizational, mental, cognitive, etc. In the article, the author focuses specifically on cognitive wars, which are the least studied in the social sciences. Hence, the main purpose of the article is to consider possible methodological foundations for the analysis of cognitive wars in the context of the high turbulence of the world order and the growing dynamics of digital transformations in the economy, politics, and social spheres. As the core of such a methodology, the author suggests considering social synergetics, the key postulates of which are openness, non-linearity of self-development, and the nonequilibrium nature of systems of various natures, which are most consistent with the current context of public relations. Special attention is paid to the role of the system of spiritual and moral values, or the social value basis, in ensuring the stability of the political system and effective counteraction to cognitive aggression. The author revealed its main functions, such as ensuring communicative effectiveness, overcoming the social atomization of modern society, and ensuring the cognitive stability of society by increasing resistance to cognitive and mental aggression.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):245-253
pages 245-253 views
The Manipulative Potential of Mass Culture as a Tool for the Political Influence
Belov S.I.
Abstract

Within the framework of the presented research, the question of the manipulative potential of mass culture as a tool of political influence is raised. The methodology of the work is built based on a combination of elements of comparative, structural and descriptive analysis. The author concludes that popular culture products, even if their creators have purely commercial motives, play the role of a tool for promoting meanings and values and, due to this, are a resource for regulating the behavior and perception of the target audience. The latter turns mass culture into a product of the functioning of the orientational level of the political system. The potential of works of popular culture to develop the effect of emotional contagion contributes to the fact that the impact of broadcast content becomes as wide as possible. The high degree of dependence of the content of cultural narratives on the context and the possibility of free commentary contributes to an increase in the options for their interpretation. The result is the loss by authors and customers of works of full control over the dissemination of transmitted meanings and their interpretation.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):254-262
pages 254-262 views
Axiological foundations of Russian statehood: freedom and truth in the ideological and political discourse of the 11-17th centuries
Strakhov A.B., Boronin A.R.
Abstract

The concepts of truth and freedom, being important value categories for modern Russian citizens, have deep historical roots. Therefore, it is important to consider their historical content and evolution. In this regard, the purpose of the article is to reconstruct the meaning of truth and freedom as value categories. The main conclusions of the article were made during the study of the works of Russian authors of the 11-17th centuries on the basis of the search database of the National Corpus of the Russian language. As a result of the content analysis and comparative analysis, the following conclusions were drawn. Both of these concepts, having, at first glance, a large number of different meanings, are determined primarily by the Orthodox Christian content, which makes it possible to reconstruct their unified commonly used definition. The concept of freedom in the texts of the 11-17th centuries in many ways resembled its modern usage and was associated with the political independence of the state or people, however, in a fair part of the documents there was an understanding of freedom as a Christian gift, in many ways resembling the understanding of grace and salvation. The concept of freedom was filled with the Christian understanding of freedom from death, from sin and God’s wrath, thus defining the necessary practice of exercising freedom itself. The concept of truth, which in modern science is either reduced to a narrow understanding as law or justice, or breaks up into a significant number of autonomous concepts, was also determined precisely by the Christian content. Undoubtedly being an attribute of power relations, truth is deduced from the human dimension, and its bearer is not an abstract or specific prince, not a specific secular or spiritual ruler, but the Lord God. Both private life and public administration, obeying the demands of truth, lead to the establishment of Divine institutions on earth and the salvation of both an individual and an entire nation.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):263-276
pages 263-276 views

POLITICAL IDENTITY AND IDENTITY POLICIES: SEMANTIC FOUNDATIONS AND IMPLEMENTATION TOOLS

The Crisis of Russian National-state Identity in the Late 20th - Early 21st Centuries: Factors, Specifics, Representations
Rastorguev S.V., Titov V.V.
Abstract

The relevance of the study is related to the unfinished nature of the formation of the Russian national-state identity. The model of national-state identity that exists in modern Russia is fragmented and somewhat amorphous, largely inheriting the semantic and structural features that crystallized earlier - at the crisis (1992-2000) and post-crisis (2001-2008) stages of its formation. The new geopolitical challenges addressed to the Russian state and society in the early 2020th also testify to the need to reassess the recent, largely contradictory experience in the formation of national identification landmarks in post-Soviet Russia. The purpose of the article is to provide a scientific and political understanding of the factors and specifics of the formation of the national-state identity of Russia in the crisis and post-crisis stages (1992-2008). Theoretical and methodological foundations of the study are based on a combination of a political and psychological approach and modern social constructivist theories. The empirical base of the study is the results of sociological surveys conducted by leading Russian academic, research and analytical organizations, as well as data obtained during the implementation of a number of research projects of a political and psychological nature. It is recorded that the crisis of nationalstate identity in 1992-2000 was determined not only by institutional and value-ideological, but also by psycho-emotional factors, among which a special place is occupied by mass frustration and atomization of the social space of Russia. It is noted that the basic factor in the gradual overcoming of the crisis of the Russian national-state identity was the building of a personalist model of power, supported by a decrease in the severity of ideological and political conflicts. The two defining trends of the post-crisis stage in the development of the Russian national-state identity were the restoration in the political consciousness of society of stable ideas about Russia as a great power and the political consolidation of most of society based on «Putin’s consensuses».

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):277-291
pages 277-291 views
Images of “Us” and “Others” as a Factor in the Identification of Citizens in the Context of the Reintegration of the Republic of Crimea and the City of Sevastopol into the Russian Federation
Evgenieva T.V., Smulkina N.V.
Abstract

The question of scientific understanding of the features of the Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol reintegration into the sociocultural and identification space of the Russian Federation is relevant from the point of view of using this experience in the integration processes taking place today in new Russian territories. The theoretical approaches of modern Russian and Western authors devoted to the identification side of integration using the example of the formation of the European Union, the reintegration of East and West Germany, as well as the entry of Crimea into the Russian Federation were taken as the conceptual basis for the study. The study relied on a combination of quantitative and qualitative data collection and analysis methods. The applied part was carried out at Sevastopol Federal University. Analysis of the data obtained allowed us to draw several conclusions. There are some multidirectional trends in the formation of the Russian national-state identity of residents of the regions. The majority of residents of the Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol generally identify themselves with Russia and see their regions as part of it. They consider common space, history, culture, and traditions to be the basis for this. They consider these same factors, to a much greater extent than the political or civil components, to be the basis of patriotism. Among these factors, a significant role is played by the memory of historical events of different periods, perceived as part of a single Russian history. At the same time, in the system of spatial and historical images there is a tendency towards a region-centric perception of the country, a desire to highlight and emphasize the special significance of its territory both in history and in the modern space of the Russian Federation. The desire to preserve the unity and cohesion of the peoples of the country, expressed in various forms, became significant. There is some difference here from the results of all-Russian studies - representatives of other nationalities are perceived much more neutrally and calmly than in Russia as a whole. Foreign countries act as “others”, enemies or competitors. At the same time, the images of these countries are poorly specified and reflect the superficial reproduction of media information rather than the result of one’s own understanding of events.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):292-305
pages 292-305 views
Imagining the Russian Nation: Who, According to the Residents of Russia, Constitute Russian Society, and Can an Outsider Become its Member?
Varshaver E.A., Ivanova N.S., Egorova T.D.
Abstract

This article presents the outcomes of a study that investigates the perceptions among residents of Russia regarding their membership in the Russian nation or society. The study employs interviews (100) and focus groups (40), carried out across five regions of Russia, as its primary data collection methods. The key methodological approach was to pose questions about societal membership and the integration of various migrant types into Russian society, thus revealing underlying beliefs about the criteria for belonging to the Russian nation or society. This approach was especially insightful for understanding perceptions about groups that are typically not questioned about their societal membership. The study identifies two distinct types of societal membership: “organic” and “acquired”. Organic membership is socially ascribed to individuals born in Russia or those with ancestors born in Russia. This category often overlaps with national identity, rendering ethnic Russians born in Russia the quintessential members of Russian society. However, organic membership is not exclusively reserved for ethnic Russians; it extends to other ethnic groups considered part of “the peoples of Russia”, though they are seen as less typical members. Interestingly, the perception of these membership categories varies between regions with distinct national identities and those without such distinctions. Acquired membership, on the other hand, is contingent upon fulfilling specific criteria, such as familiarity with Russian (or regional) culture and a desire to be part of Russian society. Exceptionally, notable achievements can override these criteria. Unlike organic members, individuals with acquired membership can lose their societal status, except in cases of betrayal, which is nearly impossible for organic members. The findings are contextualized within citizenship studies, positing that the described constructs serve as a foundation for the institution of citizenship rather than the converse. Additionally, the study contributes to the ongoing cognitive turn in ethnicity research, offering new insights into the conceptualization of national and societal belonging.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):306-324
pages 306-324 views
Instruments of State Identity Policy in the Contemporary World
Popova O.V., Grishin N.V.
Abstract

The article is devoted to studying the development and specifics of using instruments of state identity policy in modern conditions of geopolitical challenges. The study contributes to clarifying scientific knowledge about the means by which state authorities strive to achieve their goals in identity construction. The differentiation of approaches among particular states in the conditions of modern geopolitical confrontation has been established. The study is based on the application of a comprehensive approach to determining the content of state identity policy. The empirical source of the study is the results of an expert survey of leading domestic researchers in the field of identity politics conducted in the fall of 2023 with the participation of the authors. Discourse analysis was used as a method for processing primary data. The main trends in the development of instruments of state identity policy in the conditions of the 2020s have been identified. The study allows for the clarification of knowledge about the limitations and limits of the effectiveness of the state in the field of identity construction.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):325-340
pages 325-340 views

YOUTH IN POLITICAL PROCESSES: VALUE AND IDEOLOGICAL SELF-DETERMINATION

A Hundred Thousand “Me” in One “We”: Collective and Individual in the Russian Youth Worldview
Selezneva A.V., Tulegenova D.D.
Abstract

Today, the question of the relationship between the collective and the individual in their consciousness and worldview occupies a special place in the study of modern Russian youth. Young people tend to want to separate themselves from society in order to understand their personality and belonging to various social groups, to accept or not accept the values, norms, ideals of the society in which they are located, in general, to understand their place in it. At the same time, our political culture is considered collectivist, oriented towards the ideas and values of conciliarity and solidarity. In this regard, the study was aimed at identifying attitudes and orientations towards the collective and individual in the minds of modern Russian youth. The empirical base of the study was made up of data from the All-Russian representative survey of citizens aged 14-30 years ( n = 2,500) conducted in the fall of 2022. The qualitative part of the study is presented by the materials of 8 focus groups conducted in the fall of 2023, the participants of which were young people aged 14 to 30 years living in all federal districts of Russia. The general conclusion of the study was the results of the study allow us to say that the so-called We-worldview is characteristic of modern Russian youth, which is a complex set of contradictory but interrelated values, ideas, orientations and attitudes towards inclusion in public relations and relationships. Its peculiarity lies in the fact that it simultaneously manifests elements of the collective (solidary, conciliar, communal) and partly individualistic principles that are traditional for the domestic political tradition. Young people retain attitudes towards unification and solidary social relations. At the same time, social groups, society, the state and interaction with them are perceived by young people only through the prism of the “I” as defining the context, conditions and circumstances of their life and creating opportunities for their self-development, self-expression and self-realization.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):341-356
pages 341-356 views
Dynamics of Value Priorities of Russian Youth in Modern Geopolitical Conditions
Shashkova Y.Y., Kazantsev D.A.
Abstract

The study analyzes changes in political values and attitudes among the youth of Russian regions, identifies possible strategies of their political behavior, and examines risk factors at the present stage. The research is based on the results of mass surveys and focus groups conducted among schoolchildren and students in the Siberian and Far Eastern regions during the period from 2020 to 2023. As a result, the authors note a transformation of youth political preferences from readiness for active participation in politics towards closedness, conflict avoidance, and political disengagement. In the context of the current difficult socio-economic conditions, there is a transformation in youth motivation - the pursuit of comfort is supplemented by a sense of injustice, which potentially may contribute to the resurgence of youth political activity. Furthermore, current pessimistic moods among youth and their search for ways to adapt to the changing situation may manifest not only in the current prevailing acquiescence but also in increased conflict and aggression. Since the youth exhibits communicative closedness due to fear of criticism and consequences, making internal processes less visible, these factors require further attention and research to understand the future development of Russian society.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):357-372
pages 357-372 views
The Image of the Future in the Subjective Space of Politics of New Citizens of the Russian Federation: Experience of Empirical Research of Youth in New Regions
Samarkina I.V., Bashmakov I.S., Kolozov D.P.
Abstract

In the context of the changes taking place in Russian society, research on the value and ideological foundations of politics is necessary to develop a strategy and identify technologies for working with different categories of citizens, especially in new regions. An important part of the processes of social consolidation is the image of the future shared by citizens. The article conceptualizes the concept of “image of the future” as part of the subjective space of politics, the purpose of the study was to approve a conceptual model based on empirical research of the youth in new subjects of the Russian Federation, fulfilled based on focus group interviews with schoolchildren and students of Russian new regions. It is determined that the youth image of the future in the new territories of Russia are simultaneously defined and limited by the content of the political world view. Three life trajectories have been identified in which the youth of the new subjects of the Russian Federation sees their future: returning to their small homeland; moving to another subject of the Russian Federation; emigration. It is shown that these trajectories correlate with models of new Russian citizens’ civil identity. The originality of the results is determined by the interdisciplinarity approach used in the study, the new research focus and the novelty of the empirical data being introduced into scientific turnover.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):373-388
pages 373-388 views
Student Youth’s Evasion of Socio-Political Activity: Causes, Forms, and Ways of Involvement
Sokolov A.V., Frolov A.A., Babajanyan P.A.
Abstract

In modern society, more and more students show an avoidance of participation in public and political life. This phenomenon causes serious concern and deserves attention from society. Modern students may feel helpless in the face of the complexity of political processes and their impact on everyday life. They may believe that their participation will not change anything and will not bring meaningful results. Such pessimism and alienation from politics form a negative image of a student who does not show interest in public affairs and leads to the choice of an evasion strategy, that is, avoidance and non-participation in socio-political processes. In this regard, the article analyzes the factors influencing the choice of an evasion strategy, identifies possible tactics and suggests ways to involve students in the socio-political sphere. The purpose of the study is to identify the causes, tactics and consequences of the use of evasion among students in the socio-political sphere, as well as ways to involve students in socio-political activities. The methods of collecting empirical data were: a series of focus groups among students in four regions: Kostroma, Vologda, Vladimir and Yaroslavl regions (the choice of regions is associated with the presence of universities in them, members of the consortium “Upper Volga - the territory of innovation”), in-depth interviews of experts (university administrators and teachers, representatives of public and student organizations working directly with young people within the framework of the main activities of their organizations), as well as content analysis of students’ essays. According to the results of the study, the main factors influencing the choice of an avoidance strategy by students were identified, the forms of student avoidance from socio-political life were determined, and ways of involvement were proposed.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):389-405
pages 389-405 views

VALUES IN COMMUNICATION PROCESSES: SEMANTIC AND TECHNOLOGICAL ASPECTS

Risks, Threats, and Challenges of Introducing Artificial Intelligence and Neural Network Algorithms into the Contemporary System of Socio-Political Communications: The Results of Expert Study
Volodenkov S.V., Fedorchenko S.N., Pechenkin N.M.
Abstract

In the context of global technological transformations and active penetration of artificial intelligence technologies and neural network algorithms into the digital space of socio-political communications, a new format of socio-political interactions is being formed today, defined by the widespread use of “smart” tools and mechanics of content generation and broadcasting in communication processes. In this regard, there is a demand for scientific research into the processes of the influence of artificial intelligence and neural networks on the content and functional parameters of modern socio-political communication interactions. The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between “smart” technologies and the transformation of the contemporary space of sociopolitical communications in terms of the formation of risks, threats and challenges of a new type associated with the introduction of digital solutions based on the application of artificial intelligence technologies and neural network algorithms in the current practice of sociopolitical communications. The main research question is the extent and nature of the impact of the introduction of artificial intelligence technologies and neural network algorithms in the contemporary space of socio-political communications. To achieve the research goal and answer the research question, the authors applied the method of discourse analysis of scientific sources on the research topic, as well as conducted an international expert study, which allowed to identify key expert positions on the research topic and, based on the compilation of expert assessments, to identify the main risks, threats and challenges of socio-political nature formed in the processes of modern digital communications. The main conclusion of the paper is the thesis, substantiated and confirmed by the results of the research, that there is a wide range of socio-political risks, threats and challenges associated with the introduction of artificial intelligence technologies and neural network algorithms into the processes of contemporary digital communication. The paper provides a meaningful analysis of these risks, threats and challenges of a new type that can significantly affect the nature, dynamics and scenarios of the contemporary technological development of key spheres of life of the contemporary state and society.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):406-424
pages 406-424 views
Platform as a Factor of Digital Imperialism in the Russian Information Space
Martyanov D.S., Lukyanova G.V.
Abstract

The digital imperialism is a modern dimension of classical economic imperialism and uses tools such as digital platforms to disseminate information and accumulate and call financial capital from countries of the periphery to the center. Digital imperialism as a concept is a continuation of the theories of cultural imperialism and media imperialism and, in turn, became the basis for the development of the concepts of platform and blockchain imperialism. The article analyzes the conceptual aspects of the study of modern dimensions of imperialism and provides a brief overview of research directions in this area. The purpose of this study is to identify the role of platforms as a factor in political discourse in the context of digital imperialism. The authors formed the sample based on 2 criteria: the type of platform (global, national and liminal) and the type of communicator (institutional - i.e. mass media channels or personal, i.e. influencer channels). The study covered the period from February 2022 to November 2023 and included 60 media across 3 platforms. The analysis was carried out using 4 research methods. The results of the analysis demonstrate that YouTube, Telegram and Vk.com are characterized by different discourse and agenda. YouTube displays an aggressive, militarized discourse with more homogeneous communication, which is typical of echo chambers. Telegram channels and Vk.com pages often overlap in the results of cluster analysis. Telegram is also characterized by an intense militaristic discourse, while Vk.com is oriented towards a broader agenda. The study indirectly demonstrates the imperialist nature of YouTube.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):425-435
pages 425-435 views
The Dynamics of the «Threat to National Security» Pattern in the Russian Federation President Vladimir Putin’s Rhetoric in the Context of Public Mood of Russians
Savenkov R.V., Travyankina A.K.
Abstract

The pattern reveals the way of thinking of the national leader and transmits a certain semantic code to the audience. One of the patterns that has been repeated over the years in the rhetoric of Russian President Vladimir Putin is the pattern of the existence of a “threat to national security.” The purpose of the paper is to analyze the content of the “threat to national security” pattern in the President Putin’s rhetoric, his relationship with the public sentiments of Russians and the role of the pattern in the Russian political system. The following methods were used: rhetorical analysis (identification of rhetorical techniques and strategies as means of effective communication and persuasion); conceptological analysis (analysis of linguistic means that objectify the concept, the basis of which is the pattern); correlation analysis (establishing the nature of the relationship between variables, used in the analysis of public opinion polls, correlating them with the propensity to support Putin). The empirical basis of the study consisted of eight texts of Vladimir Putin’s speeches in the period 2000-2022, analysis of the results of public opinion polls by WCIOM, Department of Sociology and Psychology of Politics, Faculty of Political Science, Moscow State University. The selection of texts was carried out on the basis of the presence in the speech (presidential periods only) of the most complete presented pattern of “threats to national security”, as well as on the basis of observing a chronological step between texts of an average of 3 years, in order to be able to conduct research in dynamics. As a result, it was established: 1. The existence of a threat to national security is a recurring theme in Vladimir Putin’s discourse throughout all terms of his presidency. 2. The pattern of “threats to national security” has undergone changes from a threat of an internal nature to a predominantly external one. 3. The significance of the threat in the discourse increases every year. 4. A persistent feature of Russian public sentiment is the need for security. An analysis of Putin’s place in the political and communication space of Russia allows us to designate him as an actor-network person, whose political discourse is the most accessible source of isolating value codes capable of consolidating Russian society, which until 2022 is in a state of anomie, a value mismatch between different levels of existing political values. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the fact that Putin’s rhetoric has not previously been analyzed from the standpoint of identifying in it the pattern of “threat to national security” and its political-semiotic significance, relationship with trends in changes in the public mood of Russians, despite a number of works devoted to the formation the image of the enemy, affective rhetoric, the “us/them” dichotomy and the problematic level of the language code, which are essentially partial manifestations of this pattern.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2024;26(2):436-447
pages 436-447 views

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