Editor-in-Chief: Yuriy M. Pochta, PhD, Professor ISSN: 2313-1438 (Print) ISSN: 2313-1446 (Online) Founded in 1999. Publication frequency: quarterly PUBLISHER: Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba (RUDN University) Open Access: . APC: no article processing charge Peer-Review: double blind. Publication language: Russian, English Indexation: White List RCSI, Russian Index of Science Citation, RSCI, Google Scholar, Ulrich's Periodicals Directory, IPSA, DOAJ, Dimensions
Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba (RUDN University)
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Publishing Agreement (Public Offer) to Publish an Article in an Academic Periodical 'RUDN Journal of Political Science' The Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Education "Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba” (RUDN University), represented by the Vice-Rector for Scientific Work Andrey Aleksandrovich Kostin, acting under a Power of Attorney No 0036-09/25-122 dated 21.05.2025, hereinafter referred to as the Publisher, on the one hand, hereby offers to the public at large, hereinafter referred to as the Author, on the other hand, hereinafter collectively referred to as the Parties, to enter into this agreement, hereinafter referred to as the Agreement, regarding publication of scholarly materials, hereinafter referred to as the Article, in the Journal named 'RUDN Journal of Political Science', hereinafter referred to as the Journal, under the following terms. 1. General Terms and Conditions 1.1. 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The “Cancel Culture” in the Context of Civilizational Transfers: Searching for the “Alien” Past
The “cancel culture” becomes a mechanism for forming civilizational identity. Within the framework of the constructivist approach, civilizational communities are viewed as ways of responding to the formation of national narratives that attempt to combine cultural diversity and relative political unity in the context of competition between modernist projects. Key axes of conflict have been identified: postcolonialism versus realism, global versus particular, secular versus religious. A shift towards moderately isolationist positions in modernity projects is noted, given the lack of resources to impose their civilizational projections as universal. The process of using the mechanisms of “cancel culture” is described, not only to securitize one’s civilizational identity, but also to construct an alternative project of modernity. The mechanism of “double construction” of civilizational identity through “cancel culture” is observed: the creation not only of the image of the “Other”, but also of its historical projection, which acts as the antithesis of the civilizational past. However, by creating the “Other”, the subject initiating the “cancellation” also transforms its own identity under the influence of the image it has created. Due to the lack of communication between competing projects, internal tensions intensify, and the conflict becomes symbolically significant as it begins to touch upon the historical foundations of a particular civilizational community.
Copyright (c) 2026 Syrov V.N., Anikin D.A., Turkin I.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Representation of the Historical Past in Contemporary Russian Media Discourse: The Outlines of Semantic Transformations
In the current context of global information confrontation, increasing manipulative activities by various actors in the media space, and speculative reinterpretations of the past, the development of a coherent state-level strategy for memory policy has become critically important. Such a strategy must address the management of historical narratives, the creation of new representational formats, and the construction of communication infrastructure to counter attempts to falsify history and prevent the formation of negative evaluations of historical events. These challenges are exacerbated by total digitalization and the networking of political and communication spaces, which lead to fragmentation of historical memory, the emergence of indirect information influence tools, the impossibility of fully controlling ideological narratives on social media, and the erosion of unified historical narratives and consistent value foundations. Drawing on empirical data from the analytical platform TGStat and a content analysis of historical materials from social media, this article systematizes historical narratives and examines the mechanisms of past representation. It analyzes methods, linguistic means, techniques, forms, and connotations within media discourse, focusing on the ideological and semantic content of discursive practices concerning Russia’s past, as well as shifts in these representations under changing international political circumstances. The aim is to investigate the forms, methods, and mechanisms of representing and actualizing the historical past in contemporary media discourse as tools for constructing meanings and implementing memory policy, and to assess the cognitive load of transmitted meanings. The results of content and discourse analysis of textual messages reveal both constant and situational themes activated by digital communicators, along with a gallery of images of historical figures and events. The findings lead to several conclusions: the multidirectional nature of information flows contributes to a fragmented media image of the past; there is a scarcity of historical reference symbols, combined with authorities’ selective approach to historical themes and narratives as commemorative practices; and there is active digital stigmatization of the Russian state and society, including the destructive potential of activities by “pseudo-Russian” information resources.
Copyright (c) 2026 Shirinyants A.A., Shmeleva O.Y. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Image of the Defender of the Fatherland: Value-Normative Content and Political and Legal Models for Ensuring Commemorative Practices
The image of the defender of the Fatherland is a key symbolic mediator that connects abstract categories of values and identity with specific behavioral practices. He is a cultural model, a figure embodying traditional values. The article reconstructs and analyzes the value-normative content of the defender of the Fatherland image, which dominates public perceptions and official political discourse. The methodological basis on which this distinction is based is the approach of A. Assman, which highlights the culture of memory, the bearer of which is society, and the historical policy implemented by the state. Thus, the image of the defender of the Fatherland is interpreted in the context of the historical policy of the Russian state. The key attention is paid to considering the image in the context of political and legal mechanisms and models for ensuring commemorative practices aimed not only at fixing and preserving it for future generations, but also protecting it from desecration and belittling the exploits of defenders who form the basis of the image. The “tension” between public perceptions and official discourse is a key issue of the study, which draws conclusions about potential risks in the form of image instrumentalization, simplification of historical memory and the formation of unstable ideas.
Copyright (c) 2026 Atamanenko A.A., Matyuk Y.S., Ukhanov A.D., Yarovenko V.R. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Potential of Using New Media in Implementing Memory Policy Among Youth
The aim of the research is to identify changes in the mechanisms of forming images of historical past and the political socialization of youth under the influence of new media and digital leisure content. Special attention is given to studying the effects of unreflective consumption of entertainment content on the processes of assimilating political culture. The theoretical foundation of the research is based on a set of approaches from the media-centric paradigm: actor-n etwork theory, concepts of gamification in media spaces, and the social-cognitive concept of digital socialization. The empirical basis consists of data from a mass survey of 1,257 representatives of youth in the Siberian Federal District and an expert survey of 40 specialists in media, education, and youth policy. The study’s findings demonstrate that the medialization of historical memory and digital socialization are objective and irreversible processes. In this context, new media serve not just as agents of socialization but as an informational environment for interaction between public institutions and youth. The process of political socialization becomes diversified, concentrating within narrow communities. The content of new media is characterized by increasing algorithmization and adaptability to the demands of the youth audience. The results obtained indicate the need to rethink traditional approaches to the political socialization of youth in the context of societal digitalization and to develop new technologies for implementing memory policies through modern media platforms.
Copyright (c) 2026 Shashkova Y.Y., Butina A.V. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Bridging Times: Russian Youth’s Values and Worldview Through the Prism of Historical Memory
In contemporary political studies, there is growing interest in understanding the values and worldviews of young people in the context of historical memory as a mechanism for the formation of national identity. The Russian political and cultural tradition is characterised by the existence of stable value-based and worldview foundations linked to notions of faith and spirituality, truth and justice, the will as positive freedom, patriotism and collectivism, and their reflection in historical events and contemporary socio-political practices. In this regard, the study aims to identify which historical events and images are perceived by young people as illustrations of these value imperatives. The work is based on data from a nationwide survey of young people aged 14-35, conducted in the autumn of 2025. The study employs a multi-stage proportional stratified sample with a total volume of 2,700 respondent. The results of the study show that the value and worldview orientations traditional to the Russian people are represented in the perceptions of young people, first and foremost, in the heroic episodes of our country’s history, among which the Great Patriotic War is the most significant.
Copyright (c) 2026 Selezneva A.V., Tulegenova D.D., Yachmeneva O.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Memorial Conflicts Over Russia’s Foundational Military Myth: A Digital Representation Analysis
An important role in the study of the processes of transformation of collective memory is played by the study of founding myths as fundamental events of national history that encode collective ideas about the past and related identities. In Russia, conflicts around the myth of the founding of the state can be considered using the example of three key military events - the Battle of Kulikovo, the Stand on the Ugra River and the Battle of Molodi. The study of memorial conflicts in the public space demonstrates the clash of the traditional Russian myth of opposing the Horde and the competing Turkic-centric myth of the Horde as the matrix of Russian statehood. An analysis of the array of comments on videos dedicated to the military events of the Russian founding myth allows us to identify eight main discursive strategies of “demythologization” aimed at challenging the traditional founding myth. At the same time, the dominant strategies of “demythologization” form a single “Eurasian-Horde” narrative complex corresponding to the memorial conflict of the founding myths.
Copyright (c) 2026 Bubnov A.Y., Berlitz A.Y. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Symbolic Representations of the Past in the Addresses of the President of the Russian Federation to the Federal Assembly in 2012-2024
Based on the constructivist methodology of P. Bourdieu, and the critical discourse analysis of S. Jäger, the article attempts to analyze the thematic and rhetorical components of references to history and images of cultural memory in the presidential addresses of V.V. Putin in the period 2012-2024. A comparison with the presidential addresses of 1994-2012 allowed us to conclude that references to history retained an important role as an instrument of symbolic politics. It was found that the proportion of references to the past in the addresses of 2012-2024 was higher in cases where the key theme of the address was foreign policy issues or the mobilization of Russian society in the face of national problems. The addresses of 2012-2024 revived criticism of the history of Western foreign policy, complementing the thesis of the “millennial continuity” of Russian statehood with a thesis about the historical roots of Western countries’ “unfriendly actions” toward Russia. Rhetorical analysis revealed an expansion of the repertoire of symbolic images from the past, most prominently featuring new symbolic images of Russia and Western countries, which revived the “Us vs. Them” dichotomy in the context of implementing not only foreign but also domestic policy. An analysis of the images of modernization reforms from the 1980s to 2010s points to the persistence of the cultural algorithm of “interrupting tradition” identified earlier by O. Malinova through the denial of the goals and values of previous historical periods as a key discursive strand in the official historical narrative.
Copyright (c) 2026 Linchenko A.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Identity and Memory of the Great Patriotic War: The Role of Russian Islam in Public Consolidation
The instrumentalization of the Islamic factor during the ideological and geopolitical confrontation between the USSR and Nazi Germany in World War II acquires new resonance amid the ongoing reconfiguration of the traditional political architecture of the world. History becomes not merely a political instrument but lays claim to the legitimizing status of political reality. Under conditions in which religion emerges as a defining variable of contemporary politics, the construction of a coherent past for a multinational country possessing civilizational status constitutes a task of national security. The theoretical and methodological foundation of this study draws upon both classical conceptions of the politics of memory (P. Nora and A. Assmann), wherein the latter is understood as a means of identity formation and the management of complex historical experience, and contemporary methodological approaches that conceptualize religious organizations as political actors aligned with the state and transmitting the state agenda. Accordingly, the construction of Soviet political reality as divided along confessional lines contradicts the image of the past currently elaborated by Russia’s official Muslim institutions. The article identifies mechanisms whereby contradictory historical experience is transformed into a consolidating state narrative, while drawing a principled analytical distinction between the properly confessional (Islamic) and ethnonational dimensions of identity-dimensions frequently conflated in the existing literature. The contemporary discourse of institutionalized Islamic organizations in Russia is predicated on a strategy of selective memory, wherein the heroization of participation in the Great Patriotic War serves as an instrument for the legitimation of confessional structures within the system of state-c onfessional relations.
Copyright (c) 2026 Mchedlova M.M., Olimzoda S.S. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Local Memory Politics in Contemporary Russia: Evidence from the Urals and Siberia
The authors characterize the concepts of “historical politics” and “memory politics”, and examine their impact on the collective memory of local communities in Siberia (Lyantor, Surgut District, Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug-Yugra) and the Urals (Kudymkar, Perm Krai). The study was conducted based on an analysis of regional and local legal acts, reports on events held by institutions and organizations, expert interviews, and a mass survey in the town of Lyantor. The authors examine the relationship between civic and local identity as a result of memory politics at the local community level, using programs and events as markers of such politics. The article devotes special attention to institutions and actors engaged in memory politics, such as cultural institutions and public organizations. Collective memory, with its emotional and affective components, is the result of a complex set of processes and can include a mythological component, which is particularly evident in relation to ethnic identity, in the context of the article’s study of the Komi-Permyak case. The effectiveness of memory politics is determined by the extent to which it enables the reconciliation of different identities that consolidate, rather than divide, local communities.
Copyright (c) 2026 Martynov M.Y., Gaberkorn A.I., Fadeeva L.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Toponymic Landscape in the Donbass Region Amid Ukrainian Political Crisis and Special Military Operation in 2014-2024
Changes in toponymy became a significant aspect of symbolic confrontation during the political crisis in Ukraine (2014-2022) and the special military operation (2022-2024). During the period under review, the toponymic policy of the Kiev regime, built along the ideological lines of “decommunization” and, since 2022, “de-russification,” remained primarily “offensive,” focused on the symbolic recoding of the space of the south-east of the former Ukrainian SSR. In turn, the DPR and LPR limited themselves to criticizing Kiev’s toponymic initiatives. At the same time, the very rejection of the prospect of “decommunization” of Donbass played an important role in strengthening the new identities of both republics and mobilizing the population in their support. The start of the Special military operation opened up the prospect of the return of the territories of Donbass occupied by the Kiev regime, which allowed the leadership of the DPR and LPR to switch to their own toponymic policy, which was based on the idea of returning to the names used in Ukraine before the 2014 coup. At the same time, the toponymic landscape of Donbass continued to be filled with names associated with the names of the fallen heroes of the “Russian Spring” and the Special military operation. This trend, which coincided with a similar trend in the rest of Russia, in 2022-2023 ensured the organic inclusion of Donbass in the contour of the all-Russian toponymic policy.
Copyright (c) 2026 Beklyamishev V.O., Speransky P.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Gaining Mnemonic Agency: Donbass in Conflicts of Historical Memory
The dynamics of mnemonic interactions in the Donbass region in the late Soviet period, after the declaration of Ukraine’s independence, and in the period 2014-2025 provide grounds for identifying several stages of the substantive transformation of memory politics in the region. Since the beginning of independence of Ukraine, the processes of formation and consolidation of regional identity intensified, largely becoming a reaction to the rise of Ukrainian ethnonationalism. Even before the events of 2014, a specific historical narrative, mnemonic and symbolic policies were formed, in which the memory of historical events of the Soviet era played a significant role, emphasizing the connection with the Russian historical and cultural heritage. In the context of the political crisis of 2013-2014 and after the proclamation of independence of the DPR and LPR, processes of further convergence of the historical narratives of the people’s republics and Russia unfolded. The example of Mariupol shows the dynamics of the practices of commemoration and symbolic policy under the temporary control of the city by the Kyiv regime and after the return of the city to the DPR in 2022. These processes can be interpreted as the acquisition of mnemonic agency by the Donbass republics and their integration into the semantic and symbolic system of the memory politics of the Russian Federation.
Copyright (c) 2026 Efremenko D.V. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Symbolic Politics in Eastern Ukraine After Maidan: Changes in the Toponymy of Mariupol in 2014-2016
The presented case of symbolic politics considers the confrontation between the central government and the local community in the field of memory management in post-conflict Mariupol. The starting point of the study is the establishment of control of military units loyal to Kyiv over the city. The package of memorial laws adopted by the Verkhovna Rada enshrined the glorification of the OUN and UPA (recognized in the Russian Federation as extremist organizations and banned) as the main direction of state memory policy and created the legal basis for “voluntary-forced” decommunization. The research question is what methods the central government uses to impose alien ideological attitudes on local communities and what forms of resistance the latter uses under legislative pressure. The methodological basis of the work is the case stage, combined with a toolkit of symbolic policy and institutional analysis, including the study of administrative practices, grassroots initiatives and acts of sabotage. The work shows that local elites minimized nationalist propaganda in the renaming processes, which contradicted the position of the Kyiv regime, which tried to manipulate public opinion through marginal public organizations and parties. As a result of dismantling and renaming (including decisions of the city council and the head of the regional administration), a model is fixed where the central government uses legislative novels and administrative pressure, and the local community uses available forms of sabotage of this policy.
Copyright (c) 2026 Panin K.S., Miller A.I. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Neo-Ottomanism and the Transformation of the Memory Policy in Modern Turkey on the Example of the Memory of the First World War
The First World War - and especially the Battle of Gallipoli (1915-1916), known in Turkish historiography as the Battle of Çanakkale - has long played a crucial role in the historical consciousness of the Turkish people, serving as a cornerstone for the construction of Turkish national myth and identity. However, under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the representation of the Ottoman Empire’s involvement in its last major war is undergoing significant changes compared to the “classical” Kemalist vision for Turkey. The ideology of neo-Ottomanism introduces substantial adjustments to this image, shifting accents and replacing certain plots and meanings with others - often directly or indirectly opposed to the traditional memory of the First World War, as upheld by the main political rivals of R.T. Erdoğan, particularly the Kemalist Republican People’s Party (CHP), which represents the center-left opposition. The authors conclude that while the overarching narrative of defending the homeland from the invading Entente powers, celebrating the brilliant victories of the Turkish army, and emphasizing the special role of Mustafa Kemal - who saved the state’s capital during the Dardanelles campaign - remains intact, the neo-Ottoman vision of history significantly alters the traditional approach to constructing collective memory of these events. It reorients emphases and actively promotes its own narratives and counter-narratives.
Copyright (c) 2026 Avatkov V.A., Kamnev A.S. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Historical Memory in Azerbaijan: From a Trauma Society to a Victory Society
The processes of transformation in Azerbaijan’s memory politics in 2020-2025 unfolded as a gradual shift from a trauma-based perception of territorial loss to an institutionally consolidated narrative of victory. The study is theoretically framed by the concept of “occupied memory”, understood as an institutionalized form of collective memory that emerges in a post-conflict context and is characterized by the monopolization of the historical narrative, the symbolic marking of space, and the marginalization of alternative interpretations of the past. The methodological strategy of the study is based on a combination of discourse analysis, institutional analysis, the analysis of memorial practices, toponymic changes, and visual representations within a case study framework. This approach makes it possible to examine the transformation of memory not as a set of isolated episodes, but as the formation of an integrated memorial regime. The article examines in detail the key mechanisms through which the new memorial regime has been constructed: the institutionalisation of the commemorative calendar, the sacralisation of the space of the “returned territories”, the “Azerbaijanisation” of toponymy, museum-building, and military parades involving allied states. Particular attention is paid to the foreign-policy dimension of memory, where commemorative rituals serve as instruments for demonstrating regional leadership and alliance ties. The study demonstrates that, in the Azerbaijani case, the concept of “occupied memory” functions as a productive analytical tool for explaining how memory is transformed into a resource for both domestic consolidation and the state’s external positioning. It concludes that a stable memorial regime has emerged in Azerbaijan, ensuring the reproduction of a unified historical and political narrative of the victorious state.
Copyright (c) 2026 Goryushina E.M. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Serbian State and Church: Competing Narratives of Memory on the NATO Aggression Against Yugoslavia
The 1999 NATO aggression on Yugoslavia represents a major trauma in modern Serbian society. This article examines the public narratives and commemorative practices surrounding this event employed by the Serbian state governments and the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), tracing their evolution from the conflict’s end until 2024, with a focus on the years between 2015 and 2024. In the early 2000s, a clear divergence emerged. Post-2000 governments, focused on integration into Western-dominated institutions, like the European Union, downplayed and sidelined the remembrance of the NATO aggression. Conversely, the SOC consistently upheld a narrative of injustice and victimhood. After 2015, the Serbian government began adopting a more assertive commemorative policy. The state narrative became increasingly complex, oscillating between calls for reconciliation and outright defiance. Throughout this period, the SOC’s discourse remained steadfast, emphasizing victimhood and heroic sacrifice. Ultimately, the state’s narrative has converged with the Church’s, forming a symbiotic relationship. This partnership combines the state’s organizational power with the public trust enjoyed by the Church, particularly among younger generations, skeptical of government officials. This relationship has made the narrative of victimhood increasingly prominent within Serbian public consciousness.
Copyright (c) 2026 Stepanov N. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Historical Memory of African Nations: In Dialogue with book by Mark-Thiesen, C., Mihatsch, M., & Sikes, M. (Eds.). (2023). The Politics of Historical Memory and Commemoration in Africa. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 230 р.
The author engages in a dialogue with the authors of “The Politics of Historical Memory and Commemoration in Africa” about what it means for young African societies to develop their own historical memory outside the context of colonial determinism. The dialogue is structured through a review of this work, emphasizing its key structural elements. Key issues include the decolonization of the culture and history of African societies, the search for integrated, synthetic forms of national identity, challenging colonial determinism in history and culture, the conflict between official approaches to interpreting history and its public perception, the potential for societal division based on contradictions in historical memory, and the question of nostalgia for the colonial past.
Copyright (c) 2026 Medushevsky N.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0