Vestnik RUDN. International Relations

The article provides a historical and analytical study of the development of digital diplomacy as a distinct domain of diplomatic practice, examining it first at the moment of its emergence and then as it evolved within the digital environment in which diplomatic activity takes place. The paper examines the dynamics of terminology: from the earliest conceptualizations to later debates about the substance and scope of digital diplomacy as an independent phenomenon. Particular attention is given to the processes of differentiation and conceptual displacement between “public diplomacy” and “digital diplomacy,” which makes it possible to trace how their hierarchy, semantic contours, and spheres of application have changed over time. The article also proposes an original periodization of the history of digital diplomacy based on a chronological analysis of key events, institutional reforms, and technological shifts from the 1990s to the mid-2020s. This periodization reveals a gradual progression from the experimental stage of MFA-led digital communication to the phase of institutionalization, and subsequently to the stage of algorithmization of diplomatic practices. The concept of algorithmic asymmetry is central to the study. The analysis demonstrates that algorithms not only project influence across time and space with different speeds and densities but also create asymmetric conditions for states with varying levels of adaptability, technological capacity, and digital creativity. Algorithmic asymmetry manifests itself in three dimensions: spatial, temporal, and power-related. In conclusion, the article emphasizes that digital diplomacy evolves within a constantly reconfiguring digital environment, while algorithms increasingly shape the dynamics of international engagement. The resulting ranking of states reflects only a temporary configuration of the field, since under conditions of algorithmic asymmetry, a state’s position is determined by its receptivity to innovation, its capacity for adaptation, its strategic mastery of digital regimes of power, and its ability to translate the properties of digital platforms into a resource of foreign-policy influence.

Digitalization is becoming a crucial factor in shaping the development of the Caspian region today. In recent years, the Caspian littoral states have adopted strategic and policy documents aimed at advancing the digital sphere. This process is intensifying, transforming political and socio-economic relations within the subregion and creating new opportunities for interaction. The relevance of the study is driven by the need for a comprehensive analysis of digitalization in the Caspian region and a critical assessment of its implications. The aim of the research is to identify the key factors, directions, and consequences of the digital transformation of the subregional system of international relations. The methodological framework of the study includes historical-analytical and comparative methods, the method of socio-political analogies, and political analysis. Theoretically, the research is grounded in rational choice theory, which makes it possible to identify the factors influencing the decisions of the Caspian states to prioritize digitalization as a reflection of the region’s deeper transformations. Within the systems approach, the Caspian region is considered as an integral structure in which new linkages between states are being formed. The study also examines the impact of external environment, including the activities of extra-regional actors and the participation of the Caspian states in international organizations, as well as national regulatory frameworks in the field of digitalization and the role of international legal mechanisms governing the digital sphere. The object of the study is the processes of digitalization and its impact on the development of the Caspian region. It is demonstrated that the emerging subregional system of international relations is characterized by multiple development scenarios, presenting both new opportunities and risks. The conclusion provides an assessment of current trends in digitalization in the Caspian region and identifies the key factors determining its future trajectory. It is argued that digitalization represents a long-term trend that is already transforming the region and will continue to have a significant impact on its future development.

The article is devoted to the study of the activities of Russia and India in the context of the digitalization of international relations. These countries are examples of states that are dynamically transforming their foreign policy tools to meet the demands of the digital era, and the systematization of their experience has significant heuristic potential. It is noted that the systematization of the analysis of the state’s activities in the field of digital diplomacy as a key element of soft power strategies can be carried out in three main areas: 1) forming horizontal communications, 2) using instruments and technologies, and 3) creating regulations. Through these areas, the adaptive potential and competitiveness of Russia and India in using and regulating digital technologies can be explored using comparative methodology. The review of the Russian digital diplomacy model covers both significant achievements (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ well-developed social media digital network, media activity in the online space, countering disinformation, digital cooperation with friendly states, and a proactive agenda in the areas of cybercrime and the regulation of artificial intelligence technologies), as well as the associated challenges, primarily caused by restrictions and sanctions pressure. India’s digital diplomacy has been successful in using online tools to engage with the diaspora and modernize consular services. The article also examines not only the Ministry of External Affairs of India’s activities on social media but also the impact of the popularity of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s accounts on shaping the global agenda. It also highlights the promotion of Indian digital technologies such as India Stack and UPI. In conclusion, it is noted that the cyber diplomacy of Russia and India is primarily aimed at countering the militarization of the digital space.

Global artificial intelligence (AI) governance is currently framed as a bipolar confrontation between the ‘Brussels’ and ‘California’ approaches. The article argues that the BRICS countries are attempting to craft a third path-an alternative model of AI governance rooted not in unification, but in an ‘overlapping consensus.’ Drawing on political ontology and a comparative analysis of national strategies, the authors demonstrate how the twin imperatives of digital sovereignty and resistance to technological hegemony can bridge the initial regulatory diversity among member states. The methodology combines discourse analysis of key BRICS documents with a case study approach, revealing the emerging architecture of a hybrid ‘soft law’ regime. Empirically, the study draws on frequency and contextual analysis of three core concepts-‘sovereignty,’ ‘inclusiveness,’ and ‘fairness’-across BRICS summit declarations from 2020 to 2025. The findings indicate a clear conceptual shift: from a predominantly political discourse on sovereignty in 2020, to its progressive digitalization and embedding within the technological agenda by 2025. The rising salience of terms tied to technological autonomy and digital security underscores this shift. The ‘overlapping consensus’ model proves workable for states with different politico-economic systems and technological capabilities. It enables them to maintain regulatory sovereignty, manage heterogeneity without resorting to rigid harmonization, and establish flexible coordination frameworks. BRICS cooperation is oriented less toward creating a supranational regulator than toward aligning principles for joint action in international fora. Enlargement enhances the group’s representational appeal for the Global South, but it also complicates standard-setting amid a growing diversity of national interests. The prevalence of ‘soft law’ and flexible ‘coalitions of the willing’ gives members the room to maneuver in the era of intense technological rivalry. On the practical side, the study offers several actionable recommendations: a digital platform for standard alignment, a mechanism for expedited mutual recognition of certification, and a joint large language model program tailored to the Global South’s linguistic and cultural diversity.

The progressive economic development of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) with its further integration into the global economy, as well as the growing complexity of the international political environment due to China’s rising power, have revealed the need to expand the capabilities of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to protect China’s national interests in conflicts with developed states. A key technological innovation of the current stage of scientific and technological progress is artificial intelligence (AI). AI has already entered the list of technologies that are fundamentally changing the nature of war and peace, and has the potential to fundamentally reshape the militaryeconomic power of states, as it is actively used in the most advanced fields, including the space industry and virtually all military domains, particularly in command and control systems. The main rivals for leadership in AI are the United States and China. Both countries are actively developing AI-based technological solutions to modernize their armed forces. This could lead to increased strategic competition between the two powers. The study analyzes the experience of modernizing the armed forces and the concepts of their employment by the United States and China in the context of the military application of AI. The aim of the study is to determine the impact of AI adoption on the changing nature of warfare and the strategic balance of power between these countries. The object of the research is the armed forces of the United States and China in the context of their technological modernization and institutional improvement. The authors analyze the conceptual documents of the two countries and examine changes in the organizational structure of their armed forces in light of national strategies for the development and implementation of AI technologies in the military sphere. The authors conclude that the use of AI can significantly accelerate military operations, change concepts of warfare and the strategy for employing military forces, increasing the role of autonomous systems. The PLA is acutely aware of the importance of adapting to and benefiting from advances in AI, fearing a “generation gap” between its capabilities and those of the U.S. armed forces, which are perceived as a powerful adversary and, therefore, a key benchmark for comparison. Currently, in terms of the number of weapons systems under development using advanced technologies, the two states maintain parity. The future trajectories of these technologies in the PRC and the United States will influence the future strategic balance of power, potentially leading to the emergence of new forms and methods of employing armed forces, as well as changes in the fundamental documents of military development.

This article examines the longitudinal dynamics of Japanese university students’ perceptions of Russia and their sources of information in the context of changing international relations under the conditions of the digitalization of the global information environment. The empirical basis of the study consists of six waves of original sociological surveys conducted at Japanese universities in 2007, 2012, 2021, 2022, 2023, and 2024. Using quantitative and qualitative analysis of closed- and open-ended questions, the research identifies changes in patterns of international information consumption and in associative images of Russia across different periods. The findings indicate a gradual shift in how young Japanese audiences obtain information on international affairs: the role of online sources has been steadily increasing, while the importance of traditional mass media, particularly print newspapers, has been declining within this age group. At the same time, traditional media continue to exert a notable influence on Japan’s information landscape as a whole, especially among older generations, reflecting the multi-layered nature of foreign policy perception formation. The analysis also reveals the growing prominence of visual and geographical associations, as well as an increasing personalization of Russia’s image through its political leadership. The escalation of the RussoUkrainian conflict in 2022 led to a temporary rise in negative, conflict-oriented associations; however, this effect proved to be short-lived and weakened in subsequent years. Despite sustained geopolitical tensions, interest in cultural dimensions of Russia’s image, most notably national cuisine, has shown a modest but consistent increase. The findings of the study demonstrate how the digital information environment and event-driven coverage of international crises influence the formation of state images in the mass consciousness of young audiences, underscoring the dynamic nature of these perceptions and dependence on media context in the digital age.

The present interview features prominent Russian scholars in the fields of international relations theory and technological transformation, Tatiana A. Alekseeva and Marina M. Lebedeva, representing the MGIMO academic school. The dialogue covers how the political organization of the world is being transformed by the introduction of new technologies, how theories of international relations react to digitalization processes, and what new theoretical approaches can be expected. In particular, it is noted that constructivism is rather cautious about digitalization and the use of quantitative methods of analysis. Answering the questions of the editorial board of the journal, the fundamentally new contributions of digitalization to international relations and world politics compared to previous technological advances. Thus, it is argued that the speed of the impact of digitalization on political and international political processes is many times greater than in previous stages of development with the introduction of new technologies. At the same time, digitalization causes many negative and side effects. The article uses concrete examples to illustrate the contradictions generated by digitalization, related, on the one hand, to Internet freedom, and, on the other, to state sovereignty. It is noted that states can cooperate with each other in countering crime in the digital sphere, if it is not of a political nature. In the case of terrorism and politically motivated actions of criminals, state cooperation becomes more complicated. Digitalization has brought new leaders to the forefront-the United States and China. Digital companies in these countries actually determine many areas of development. A special question arises in connection with the definition of standards in the digital sphere, since it is obvious that the standards of those companies and countries that will be adopted will largely determine the further development of digitalization and the international political processes caused by it. The article sets out an argument as to why a complete breakdown of production chains and a total fragmentation of the internet are unlikely to occur. The authors discuss how the political organization of the world will evolve and the prospects and limitations of various types of digital technologies. It is assumed that network relations will become dominant in the world, but the process of transformation, the transition to network interaction can be very painful.

In the United States, big business and transnational corporations (TNCs) are not merely external lobbyists but an integral part of the political process within the historically established model of ‘pluralist democracy.’ Their influence permeates all stages of decision-making, from shaping the legislative agenda to the workings of the executive branch, through formal and informal channels, such as campaign financing, powerful lobbying, and the phenomenon of the ‘revolving doors.’ This stable system of interaction between economic and political elites forms the context in which the country’s foreign policy is formed and implemented. Donald Trump’s foreign policy course, both during his first term (2017-2021) and after returning to the White House in 2025, has become a clear manifestation and reinforcement of this trend. His unique style often referred to as ‘Trumplomacy’ (Trump + diplomacy), represents a radical departure from traditional paradigms in American foreign policy. The return of D. Trump to power allows us to speak not of a temporary deviation, but of the establishment of a stable alternative model. This article examines the phenomenon of ‘Trumplomacy’ - the foreign policy style of the 45th and 47th presidents of the United States. It analyzes the key principles, such as transactional nationalism, economic protectionism, pragmatism, the rejection of multilateralism in favor of bilateral relations, and the use of unpredictability as a tool of pressure. Using specific examples (relations with NATO, the trade war with China, dialogue with North Korea and Russia), the strengths and weaknesses of this approach, as well as its comprehensive impact on the architecture of international relations, are identified. To address the academic objective, the authors of the study employ the methodology of historical and political sciences: the historical-analytical method, method of comparison, socio-historical and social and political analogies, and political analysis. In conclusion, the paper conducts a comparative analysis of ‘Trumplomacy’ with the principles of classical diplomacy and concludes on its role as a systemic challenge to the established norms of the liberal world order, identifying it as a significant phenomenon of contemporary geopolitics.

-