Vol 25, No 4 (2025): Humanitarian Aspects of Modern International Relations

The article analyzes the contribution of the Indian academic community to the formation of the so-called ‘Gujarat narrative’, which is understood as the idea of the special role of Gujarat in the history of India, which is developed by political elites. The methodology includes elements of classical political economy, neoMarxism and historical sociology. The author rst provides a brief outline of the history of Gujarat, and then analyzes the role of intellectual elites in shaping the foundations of India’s external policy. The author argues that a new type of intellectual has emerged at the top of the Indian intelligentsia: a historian and strategist who knows the past and can predict the future. This contributed to the establishment of complex relationships between the academic community and the ruling class, as well as the academic community acquiring a distinct role that transcends that of mere servants of the political elites, a position that has traditionally been occupied by experts. Academics lay the historical and philosophical foundation for building foreign policy. Using the example of ‘maritime Gujarat,’ the author illustrates the mechanism of interaction between politicians and academics. The author identi es several stages in the development of the ‘Gujarat narrative,’ linking them to the transformation of Indian external policy imperatives, and analyzes the role of individual scholars and schools. In conclusion, the author highlights the key features that characterize the relationship between the Indian academic and political elites, and suggests using the existing historical groundwork to include the topic of historical interaction between India and Russia within the ‘Gujarat narrative’ framework.

In the early 2020s, the close relationship between the Russian Federation and the Islamic Republic of Iran was signi cantly strengthened. Higher education is one of the most important areas of cooperation between two countries. Russian medical and technical universities are popular with Iranians. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that the state organization responsible for attracting foreign students is currently Rossotrudnichestvo. It is therefore necessary to consider the traditions established by its predecessor, the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS), when working with Iranian students. The present article is based on solid archival ground, relying on the unpublished documents from the VOKS les of the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF) and published documents from Iranian archives. The aim of this research is to provide a comprehensive description of VOKS’ strategy for working with potential and current students from Iran, highlighting the internal and external factors that in uence VOKS’ performance. It also sheds light on several important case studies related to the problems Iranian students faced in the USSR, including expulsions, internships, and employment. The neo-institutional approach, which emphasizes the actions of individuals within an organization, is employed to demonstrate VOKS’s place among Soviet institutions and to show how the work with Iranian students was organized and in what way this in uenced their life and the success of Soviet cultural diplomacy in Iran. Studying medicine or technical subjects was as popular with Iranians then as it is today. It is concluded that Iranian students who managed to gain support from both VOKS and diplomatic o cials from the USSR and Iran were successful. Attracting international students from Asia and Africa to Russia is relevant in the 21st century because of the “turn to the East” foreign policy strategy and the expansion and cooperation of the BRICS organization.

The relevance of this research is underpinned by the importance of supporting and promoting the Russian language as an instrument of the Russian Federation’s humanitarian policy abroad, coupled with the strategic signi cance of the comprehensive partnership of our country with the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Against the backdrop of rapidly intensifying Russian-Chinese relations, the training of highly quali ed Chinese specialists pro cient in Russian has emerged as a critical factor for e ective cooperation in economic, scienti c, technological and cultural spheres. In this context, the purpose of this article is to evaluate the current state of Russian language education in China. In this research the authors employed a combination of general scienti c and historical methods. The foundation was formed by the historical and problem-chronological methods and approaches. The history of Russian language learning in China spans over three centuries, commencing with the establishment of the Russian Language Institution in Beijing in 1708. A peak in popularity of Russian language study occurred in the 1950s, fueled by the Soviet-Chinese alliance relations, followed by a decline during the subsequent deterioration of bilateral ties. A renewed phase of growth began after China introduced its reform and opening-up policy in 1978, gaining further momentum with the development of the strategic partnership between Russia and China at the beginning of the 21st century. At present, the Russian language maintains a stable position as one of the most sought-after foreign languages in China, trailing only English and Japanese in terms of prevalence. The Chinese Association of Teachers of the Russian Language and Literature plays a leading role in consolidating the community of Russists and providing methodological support. The authors highlight several key challenges, including the persistence of outdated teaching methodologies prioritizing grammatical accuracy over communicative competence; a de cit of contemporary teaching materials; the geographical concentration of Russian language centers in Northeast China and the limited career prospects for Russian studies graduates lacking supplementary specializations. As a viable solution, the study proposes a wider adoption of the “Language + Specialty” model. This approach cultivates specialists who possess not only Russian language pro ciency but also competencies in speci c professional elds (e.g., economics, law, technical sciences), thereby better aligning with the demands of Russian-Chinese practical cooperation.

The large-scale Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has undergone significant expansion in recent years. In 2017, China proposed a new route including South Pacific Region (SPR) states, intended to become a “hub” for ships heading to Latin America and back. Australia and New Zealand were chosen as key partners due to their leading positions among the region’s countries and their significant influence over political processes in the SPR. The relevance of the research topic is determined by China’s growing interest in the South Pacific Region and the consequently intensifying Sino-American competition, which significantly impacts the foreign policy decisions made in Canberra and Wellington. The aim of the present study is to identify differences in the approaches in Australia’s and New Zealand’s approaches to the BRI, and the factors influencing their policies regarding the Chinese initiative. Methodologically, the research relies on a comparative analysis of investment volumes from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) into the two countries’ infrastructure projects, as well as general scientific and specific scientific methods of historical and political research, including the narrative method and case studies. The conceptual framework of the study is the theory of hegemonic stability, which allows for examining the Belt and Road Initiative as a new economic regime of an emerging hegemon - China, which seeks to attract close US partners, namely Australia and New Zealand, to its side. The author concludes that political relations do, to a certain extent, influence the volume of Chinese investments. However, despite China’s consistently stable relations with New Zealand throughout under the review period. Chinese investment volumes in Australia were significantly higher. Furthermore, no critical infrastructure project involving China was approved in New Zealand. Meanwhile, despite the significant deterioration in Sino-Australian relations and Australia’s refusal to participate in the BRI, Chinese investors made several substantial investments in the Australian economy between 2013 and 2018.

Energy security is examined as a key component of national stability shaped by the interplay of geographic, political, and economic factors. Particular attention is given to its manifestations in the countries of the Global South, where structural vulnerabilities intersect with the growing demands of the global energy transition. Using Nigeria - one of Africa’s largest hydrocarbon producers - as a case study, the analysis highlights a paradoxical situation: despite possessing substantial oil, natural gas, hydroelectric and solar energy reserves, the country continues to experience insu cient domestic energy supply and widespread energy poverty. This contradiction is indicative of deep-rooted institutional and infrastructural imbalances that prevent resourceexporting states from deriving sustainable developmental bene ts from their natural wealth. Existing research on energy security tends to focus on discrete dimensions, such as supply stability, a ordability, or technological modernization. However, such approaches often overlook the complex interaction of political, legal, infrastructural, and socio-economic factors that shape domestic energy access in resource-exporting economies. As a result, a signi cant research gap has emerged: insu cient attention has been paid to how countries such as Nigeria can enhance domestic energy availability while maintaining their strategic role in the global transformation of energy markets. The study places particular emphasis on inconsistencies in energy infrastructure, chronic shortages of long-term investment, and regulatory constraints hindering sustainable sectoral development. An integrated analytical framework is proposed, combining an assessment of the geopolitical dimensions of energy exports with an evaluation of domestic infrastructural capacity and a comparative analysis of other emerging resource-oriented economies. Methodologically, the research employs a mixed approach integrating quantitative and qualitative methods, including the analysis of primary and secondary data. This enables a more profound exploration of the causal linkages among resource abundance, institutional characteristics, and levels of public energy access. The ndings provide a foundation for identifying Nigeria’s strategic opportunities in fostering a just, sustainable, and inclusive energy transition - an objective of critical importance for the broader development trajectory of the African continent.

The article presents the results of a study that employed a spatial approach to examine the formation and evolution of national and regional security systems in Central Asia. The study introduces the concept of the density of the defense policy space as an assessment of the quality and reliability of the regulatory and practical security system and the depth of involvement of external players in its formation. The relevance of assessing the contribution of each player in establishing a regional security system lies in the fact that Central Asia is undergoing a new stage of competition between major players for in uence. The proposed package of projects by external players includes initiatives for defense cooperation and interaction in the eld of military-technical cooperation. Since gaining independence in 1991, the regional states have relied on the Russian Federation to guarantee their security. In the current climate, it is important to assess the impact of the initiatives and projects of major actors such as the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the United States, Türkiye and other major actors on the Russian-Central Asian common defense policy space. The article analyzes the region’s existing security architecture at the time of the collapse of the USSR, the risks and challenges faced by the countries during the period of independence, as well as the initiatives and mechanisms employed by regional countries and external actors to ensure security, using a spatial approach. The study’s main conclusion asserts that, after a series of crises, countries in the region ultimately formed a closed model of regional security based on security guarantees from the Russian Federation and signi cant political support from the PRC, having tested a balanced and diversi ed foreign policy defense model. Western countries have failed to secure the status of a security partner for Central Asian countries, with the exception of speci c areas of cooperation in educational, peacekeeping, and biological programs.

The beginning of the Special Military Operation in Ukraine was a pivotal event in modern history, the consequences of which a ected the whole world, including South Asia. This shift could not fail to attract the attention of a wide range of researchers specializing in this region. However, their focus is primarily on the impact of new global realities on Russia’s interactions with India. Meanwhile, the small countries of the Himalayan region of South Asia remain “in the shadow.” Nepal is the main object of research in the present article. Special attention is paid to the evolution of the Himalayan state’s ties with Russia. The authors tried to explain the reasons for the low level of bilateral relations and Nepal’s critical approach to Russia’s actions in Ukraine. A special subject of the study was the participation of a signi cant number of Nepalese citizens in the SMO. India and China are the natural main exogenous actors in Nepal. The reasons why they have no e ect on Nepal’s foreign policy in relation to the Special Military Operation are of particular interest, and their disclosure is of the most serious importance for a more complete understanding of Russia’s geopolitical potential. Some recommendations were made to improve the level of bilateral relations and to prompt a potential change in Nepal’s approach to Russia’s actions in Ukraine. The conclusions of the study are based on materials from various sources. First of all, it is a regulatory framework that includes both general documents and special ones (contracts, protocols, declarations and other acts). Furthermore, the work uses statistical data (obtained from both national databases and databases of international institutions). The article uses the method of identifying the interconnections and mutual in uences between di erent facets of foreign policy, bilateral and international relations; as well as interpretation of the complex interaction of socio-economic, political and cultural development.

Despite its considerable potential and growth rates, the African continent has not yet overcome its main challenge: con icts, which have become almost chronic in some countries. Given the tangible consequences of these con icts for both African countries and the rest of the world, establishing and maintaining peace and security in Africa remains a priority for the international community. The Central African Republic (CAR), one of the world’s poorest countries, landlocked but rich in natural resources, has experienced the full impact of endless coups, weak governance and con ict. Since the mid-1990s, more than a dozen peacekeeping operations have been conducted here. The CAR has become a kind of ‘laboratory’ for all possible types of intervention, including multidimensional stabilization operations, training, observation, advisory, military missions and peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations. The peacekeeping ‘marathon’ in the CAR involved a multitude of actors, including the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the European Union (EU), as well as individual countries, such as France and, to some extent, Russia. Despite these interventions, the domestic political situation in the country remained unstable for a long time, representing the Central African security paradox. To study this issue, the dynamics of numerous peacekeeping operations since 1997 were examined, and three main stages of international intervention were identi ed based on qualitative changes in the security situation. The present study is based on a qualitative comparative analysis, which enables to identify stable combinations of factors that determine the e ectiveness or ine ectiveness of international missions in protracted con icts. The study reveals the main reasons for the limited e ectiveness of international peacekeeping in the CAR.

The relevance of the topic stems from the growing role of civil society as a key actor in shaping bilateral relations between Brazil and the European Union (EU). In the context of global challenges, ranging from human rights protection to the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals, cooperation between nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and non-pro t associations is gaining strategic importance, while remaining insu ciently studied in the scienti c literature. It is especially important to understand how civil society in uences foreign policy decision-making, including the complex processes such as negotiations on the EU - MERCOSUR agreement. The study uses an institutional and systematic approach complemented by historical and political analysis. Methods of comparative analysis, generalization of statistical data (including that from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics, IBGE), as well as the qualitative analysis of policy documents, reports and public statements from civil society organizations and EU institutions are used. The scienti c novelty of the work lies in the comprehensive consideration of the interaction between Brazilian and EU civil societies as an independent level of international partnership. For the rst time in the Russian scienti c researches, the mechanisms of in uence of NGOs on Brazil’s foreign policy have been analyzed in such detail, including their role in suspending the rati cation of the trade agreement with the EU, and cyclical dependencies between the domestic political situation and the level of activity of the civil sector have been identi ed. The results of the study demonstrate that Brazilian civil society not only engages in dialogue with European partners through such formats as the EU - Brazil Round Table, but is also able to in uence the country’s foreign policy course. While EU support strengthens democratic institutions and promotes a “green transition,” there is also a risk of NGOs being used for external interference. In conclusion, it is emphasized that a sustainable partnership between Brazil and the EU is impossible without the involvement of civil society, which is both a resource for cooperation and a potential source of tension.

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