Vol 23, No 4 (2021): Identity in the Political Constructions of Modernity


Identity in the Political Constructions of Modernity: Editorial Introduction

Fadeeva L.A.


L.A. Fadeeva is the author of numerous publications and key co-author of fundamental encyclopedias published by the Russian Academy of Sciences (Identity: The Individual, Society and Politics. An Encyclopedia, 2017) and the Russian Political Science Association (Trends and problems of the development of Russian political science in the global context: Tradition, reception and innovation, 2018), representing the leading scientific school for identity studies in Russia (see: Perm School of Political Science: Sources, Development, Content, 2019), who has served multiple times as guest editor for the thematic issues of the best Russian political science journals on this topic (Political science (RU), 2020, No. 4). In this introductory article, our guest editor L.A. Fadeeva presents the materials of the current issue of our journal, interpreting their cross-cutting themes as the politicization of the non-political through the prism of identity processes at the macro-regional, regional and national levels.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):521-524
pages 521-524 views


Interpretation of Communism and Post-Communist Transformations in Russia: Modern Theoretical Discussions

Gutorov V.A., Shirinyants A.A.


The analysis of discussions on various aspects of the evolution of the modern state, the specifics of post-communist transformations and the role that Marxism and the tradition of radical socialist thought can play in the near future in their search for a way out of the crisis generated by the agony of the neoliberal global world order. As a starting point for the analysis, theoretical articles published in the second edition of the collection “Communism, Anticommunism, Russophobia in post-Soviet Russia. 2nd ed., Add. / Auth.: P.P. Apryshko et al. - Moscow: World of Philosophy, Algorithm, 2021 (607 p.) were selected. A comparative analysis of the polemical works of domestic scientists, political theorists and philosophers with those discussions that for many decades have been conducted by their colleagues abroad clearly indicates that today none of the existing ideologies, as well as the paradigms of economic and socio-political theory, can pretend to be the only recourse. The experience of recent decades clearly excludes the very possibility of transforming the economy and society on the basis of a certain universal synthetic model. In post-communist Russia, the heat of political passions, which stimulates the extreme polarization of political programs for overcoming the crisis, also hinders the achievement of agreement and the search for a solution acceptable to all.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):525-544
pages 525-544 views

The Revolution is Over, Forget It: To the 30th Anniversary of the Russian Federation

Nisnevich Y.A.


After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the power in post-Soviet Russia was seized by the leaders of the democratic movement - “first wave democrats”, and the more progressive Soviet nomenclature. As a result of the miscalculations made by the leaders of the democratic movement, the representatives of the Soviet nomenclature soon started displacing the “first wave democrats” and the reformers of the “Gaidar call” from the Russian governmental bodies in order to gain full control over the governance in the country. This appeared to be a manifestation of the more general and fundamental process, where the Russian nomenclature separated from the democratic movement, emerging as a new ruling stratum - the immediate heir to the Soviet nomenclature. The turning point, which accelerated the separation and the retreat of the Russian nomenclature from liberal and democratic principles of the country’s modernization, was the beginning of the Chechen tragedy in 1994. Not only did the Chechen events separate the Russian nomenclature and the democratic movement but also split the democratic movement itself. The goal of the article is to examine the transformation of the relationship between the democratic movement and the soviet and, later on, Russian nomenclature during the revolutionary changes of the early 1990s.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):545-559
pages 545-559 views

Political and Civic Identity of Libertarians in Contemporary Russia: Problems and Perspectives

Dumler D.A.


Libertarianism is a new ideological trend, popular among young people. We try to find out whether libertarianism rises as independent political movement or it is the reaction on the fall of popularity of traditional political parties. For that purpose, the author made the comparative analysis of the program documents of the Libertarian Party of Russia with the classical works of the American libertarians and analyzed the published interview both of the party leaders/activists and of the experts. The author used the interview which he took from some activists in order to clarify the political identification of the Russian libertarians. The political identity of libertarians is characterized by the broadest possible interpretation of personal and economic freedom. Libertarians believe that such freedom is compatible with law and legality and is opposite to anarchy. At the same time, they avoid definitions and norms that could constrain freedom by both the state and the adherents of certain, including liberal, values and slogans. This broad approach makes it difficult to politically identify libertarians, but contributes to their attractiveness among young people.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):560-569
pages 560-569 views

Political Trust and Values of Loyal and Oppositional Youth in the Exclave Region of Russia

Shchekoturov A.V.


The study determines the level of trust in public and political institutions among the loyal and oppositional youth of the Kaliningrad region, as well as their attitudes towards materialistic and post-materialistic values. The study is based on R. Inglehart’s theory of value and the understanding of trust as described in the works of P. Sztompka and A. Giddens. The author relies on an online survey conducted among young people aged between 18 and 35 (n = 987). As a result of the study, the author defines three groups of institutions, depending on the degree of trust in them. The study confirms the hypothesis that young people loyal to the government demonstrate greater trust in traditional and state institutions. It also reveals that, in general, young people put post-materialistic values in the first place, while materialistic values are more characteristic of the youth loyal to the government. The author concludes that the level of the political trust towards a certain institution among loyal and oppositional youth differs depending on the possibility of influencing the institution. The trust of loyal youth is based on the importance of social status, and the trust of oppositional youth is based on the freedom of expression.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):570-583
pages 570-583 views

Ideological Preferences of Kaliningrad Residents in the Socio-Political System

Krishtal M.I.


The article analyzes the ideological preferences of the residents of the Kaliningrad region through the prism of their socio-economic situation and political behavior. The study is based on the data of a formalized interview (N = 977) according to the age and sex sample, representing the population of four geodemographic districts of the Kaliningrad region. Based on the Nolan Chart, the study determines ideological types according to the respondents’ attitude to political and economic freedom. The statistical analysis of the data revealed a high degree of pluralism among the residents of the region on the issues under consideration. At the same time, it showcased the prevailing ideas of state regulation of the economy and values of personal freedom. Analyzing the socio-economic situation of the respondents and their inherent ideological attitudes, the author found that the values of economic freedom are more often shared by young people, middle-aged people, residents living in Kaliningrad, with higher income. Ideas of state regulation of the economy prevail among people of retirement and pre-retirement age, residents of the semi-periphery of the Kaliningrad region, with lower income. The study also revealed the relationship between the ideological attitudes of people in the region and their political behavior. In particular, it found that people who share the values of political and economic freedom are ready to take the most active part in protests. At the same time, the study did not identify any significant links between the ideological type of the respondents and their electoral behavior.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):584-599
pages 584-599 views

Political Implications of Orthodox Identity: An Example of the World Russian People’s Council

Shikher N.D.


The article examines the conceptual ideas of the World Russian People’s Council, acting under the auspices of the Russian Orthodox Church, regarding the implementation of the right to freedom of conscience and the status of religious associations in Russia. Furthermore, the speeches of heads of the states at the Councils were studied for their attitude to the ideological content of the activities of this organization. On the basis of the data obtained, the author attempts to find a correlation between the proposals voiced at the Councils on changing certain aspects in the religious sphere and the reforms of the Russian legislation on freedom of conscience. As a result of this study, a striking coincidence was revealed between the two factors mentioned: the provisions discussed at the Councils, as a rule, after some time were reflected in Russian normative legal acts. Not having sufficient grounds for declaring an unambiguous causal relationship between conciliar ideas and legislative reform, one can, in any case, assume a significant impact of the activities of the World Russian People’s Council on the state policy in implementation of the right to freedom of conscience in modern Russia.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):600-613
pages 600-613 views


Identity Politics and International Security of the Post-Soviet European States

Fadeeva L.A., Plotnikov D.S.


In the article, identity politics is understood as an intentional policy towards forcing and maintaining a macro-political identity. The authors also refer to the traditional understanding of identity politics as a political course focused on protecting the rights of oppressed (deprived) minorities. The object of the research is the European countries of the post-Soviet space. The authors emphasize the dominance of the international (European) vector of political identity, based on the position declared in official speeches and confirmed in the media and history textbooks. The authors identify several stages that determine the algorithm of identity politics in the Baltic countries, the Ukraine and Belarus. They give examples of how in modern conditions the reference to value orientations actualizes the classical understanding of identity politics, at the same time exacerbating the confrontation between the countries that have chosen the European vector and those who hesitate or do not have such a chance.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):614-629
pages 614-629 views

Political Values in the European Post-Soviet Space: Identity and Sovereignty in the Face of Integration Processes

Pankevich N.V.


The article analyzes the intergation processes in the post-Soviet space and shows that their direction is determined by the competition of states in a specific organizational field of political values. The effectiveness of the governments in this field depends directly on their ability to switch between the political values of the country and universal aggregations. This ability is becoming a key attribute of the empirical sovereignty of the state today. It is shown that in the conditions of asymmetric integration into the EU space in post-socialist countries and insufficient integration in the former Soviet republics, the accomplishment of this function requires specific institutional adaptations: differentiation between buffer mechanisms responsible for communication with external value systems, and the core that holds the deep value complexes of the community. The stability of the organizational bundle of state sovereignty and identity, the specifics of its functionaries in the post-Soviet space are described as giving the Russian Federation an opportunity of value action, focused on the population of post-Soviet and post-socialist countries and bypassing communications with pro-European-oriented and subordinated power apparatuses.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):630-647
pages 630-647 views

Civic Identity: Diversity of Meanings and Achievement of Solidarity

Mchedlova M.M., Sargsyan H.L.


The concept of identity reflects the ongoing shifts in political theories when external parameters that did not previously fall into the optics of political research become a part of political reflection and political analysis. Emphasizing sociocultural issues captures not only the departure from the linear normativity of political theory and pragmatics but also the search for modern explanatory models that cannot be reduced merely to institutional determinism. The controversy and ambiguity of the civic identity concept are imposed on the need for interpreting the formation of civic communities in the newly emerged independent countries after the collapse of the Soviet Union (on the example of Russia and Armenia), including the possibilities of protest and project identity. Methodologically the article is based on the perception that the construction of civic identity cannot be reduced to the normative understanding only. The authors bring out the causal complexes that predetermine the construction of civic identity, while also highlighting the differences in how civic communities and their value focuses are perceived and constructed in Russia and Armenia. The authors also define the general features of civic identity, which can be described as a common basis of solidarity, the removal of particularity and a shared vision of the future.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):648-658
pages 648-658 views


The Memory Policy of the Second World War in the Post-Yugoslav Republics: Symbolic and Commemorative Aspects

Pomiguev I.A., Salakhetdinov E.R.


The paper analyses the politics of memory of the World War II (WWII) in socialist Yugoslavia and compares the corresponding commemorative practices in the post-Yugoslav republics. The focus is on the design of holidays and memorial dates that reflect the symbolic and valuable attitudes of society, as well as the trajectory of nation-building. The formation of the state metanarrative in post-war Yugoslavia was closely related to the monopolisation of the leadership roles of the national liberation war by the communists, who united the six South Slavic nations in their struggle against the Nazi invaders. The state holidays and memorial days were derived from the history of resistance to foreign occupiers and internal enemies in order to legitimise and strengthen the triumph of the new socialist order. Alternative Yugoslavian non-communist movements, especially the Ustash and Chetniks who were potentially capable of competing in the symbolic field, were declared class enemies, reactionary elements, and quislings. As the processes of disintegration increased in socialist Yugoslavia, there were several attempts to revise its ideological attitudes and symbolic heritage of WWII. Nevertheless, as the study shows these attempts became, rather, a marginal phenomenon, and most post-Yugoslav states retained the commemorative, albeit de-ideologised, practices of the previous period.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):659-674
pages 659-674 views

The Role of Civic Identity in the Evolution of Relations Between Serbian and Croatian Civil Societies

Djokic A., Pichelin G.


For decades, Croats and Serbs lived together in a common political construction: Yugoslavia. It is difficult to date the appearance of animosity between Croats and Serbs. Nevertheless, two events proved particularly traumatic for their relations. The Second World War, when the Ustasha led a genocide against the Serbs, and the 1991-1995 war, when the two sides fought a merciless civil war. This article examines the evolution of relations between Serbian and Croatian civil societies from the beginning of the Yugoslavian project to 2021 and how the rise of civic identity in the future might help the process of reconciliation. The main hypothesis of the article is that the failure to construct a viable Yugoslavian civic identity in the past is the cause of ethnic tensions during the 90s. The article entails both qualitative and quantitative methods through which the authors offer explanations about the failure to construct a common Yugoslavian civic identity, how this failure impacted the relations between Serbian and Croatian civil societies, and, finally, what are the prospects of reconciliation and constructing civic identities in the newly formed countries of Serbia and Croatia. Today, relations between the two civil societies remain tense. Serbs in Croatia and Croats in Serbia are subject to unsystematic discrimination, which hinders exchanges between the two countries. This study shows that Serbian and Croatian citizens under 35 years of age, mainly agree that tensions exist. Nevertheless, two-thirds of those questioned in Serbia and three-quarters of those questioned in Croatia believe that reconciliation is possible. This reconciliation becomes even more realistic since an overwhelming majority in both groups want reconciliation.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):675-691
pages 675-691 views

Not the Far-Right Only: Which Parties Occupy the Niche of Cultural Protectionism in the EU Countries?

Petrov I.I.


In the 2010s many moderate parties in Europe began to use the agenda of the far-rights, competing with them on the same field. This article is devoted to the problem of inter-party competition in European countries amidst the rise of far-right parties. We also intended to check if the far-right profile is the same for all EU countries. To achieve the goal of the study, we used two databases on party positioning - MARPOR (Comparative Manifesto Project) and CHES (Chapel Hill Expert Survey). The study revealed that the consolidated family of the far-rights exists only in the countries of North-Western Europe, while in the countries of East-Central Europe the agenda of the far-rights is less consolidated and regionally heterogeneous. The mainstream competitors of the far-rights included mostly conservatives in North-Western Europe, and various parties, including the Social Democrats, in East-Central Europe. The study confirmed the hypothesis about the serious influence of the far-rights on mainstream politics. At the same time, it questioned the traditional approach which attributes the far-right profile only to far-right parties and ignores both regional differences and the factor of spatial competition.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):692-705
pages 692-705 views

Transforming the Party Identity of German Radical Right: In Search of Female Support

Burmistrova E.S.


The crises of the beginning of the 21st century changed the political landscape of modern Germany, which was manifested in increasing right-wing radicalism. As the party identity of the far-right transforms, they shift from being marginal nationalist anti-migrant forces, contradicting the democratic culture of Germany, to movements which defend identity and rights, including women’s rights. Thus, the far-right in Germany claim to become a part of the civic culture that includes the right to criticize and disagree with the government’s policies. The article examines how far-right parties interact with the female electorate on the example of the Alternative for Germany party. The study highlights the main activities of the Alternative for Germany in attracting women’s votes, based on the analysis of the party’s political program, interviews with party members and media materials. These activities include the orientation towards the socio-economic issues, concerning women, the consideration of the migrant problem through the prism of the Muslim threat towards women, the protection of the interests of conservative women, the attraction of women as party leaders. The author pays a special attention to female right-wing activists, as independent actors in the political life of Germany. Based on the cases of Beate Zschäpe, Francisca Berit and #120db movement, the following interests of female activists were determined: opposing to gender mainstreaming, which threatens the traditional family structure, and opposing to Islam as a source of violence against women. Alternative for Germany aims at strengthening its positions among all women, whose rights are an integral part of European identity, therefore, the actualization of women’s involvement in the movement becomes not only instrumental, but also of value nature. More radically oriented female activists get involved in the European Identitarian movement.

RUDN Journal of Political Science. 2021;23(4):706-718
pages 706-718 views

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