No 4 (2016)

The article discusses the features of the formation of the institute of youth political elite in the Russian Federation. The author proved that the formation of youth political elites directly dependent on the fulfillment of opportunities and professional development of representatives of the youth community and requires a systematic campaign in the formation of the young man and his political socialization. Revealed aspects in the context of which it is necessary to consider the formation of the institute of youth political elite: the socio-economic, political, cognitive. Proposed key methods and forms of interaction between state institutions with the younger generation. The conditions, the implementation of which is necessary for the formation of the institute of youth political elites in Russia: the current administrative and managerial elite has to be aware of the need to create such an elite institution for young people; the existence of regulatory and organizational methods of the activities of youth leaders; a reflection of the youth leader action together communicative interactions; subject-object position of the individual in the current political process of socialization; foster civic political culture, "foundation" which are the concepts of citizenship and patriotism. In conclusion, it is concluded that the development of the political system of education and the building of the Institute of Youth elites should be based on scientific and sociological studies of actual data, reflecting the dynamics of the youth mentality and preferences. A special attention on the part of government actors should be given new urgency to inclusion of young people in the processes of formation of state policy.

Reforming of the Russian system of public administration is connected with orientation to reapprochement of authorities and the population. Activities for forming of positive reputation of authorities, institute of public service become priority for the goal of achievement of creation of an effective management system by society, successful implementation of a state policy. Studying of reputation allows deepening understanding of regularities of the political choice, forming of trust and mistrust to subjects of power, efficiency evaluation of the power and its reliability. The problem of reputation of the power acquires special relevance at the regional level where there is the closest interrelation of state bodies with the population. The author's approach to studying of reputation of the power at the level of the region is introduced in the article. The author analyzes the concept and research model of the ideological and semantic concept “reputation of the regional power” which is the most important element of creation of reputation management system. Characteristic features of the concept are determined by its structural components: information, figurative, interpretative. The following stages of research model of the concept “reputation of the regional power” are divided in the article: studying of reputation of the regional power from the perspective of the two main subjects of its forming (the population and the power) according to the three components of the concept; identification of unity in understanding of the concept “reputation of the regional power”.

This article examines the influence of political system, political regime, party system on political participation of ASEAN member states. The ten ASEAN member states have unique political background. To understand how the political systems, political regimes and party systems influence the political participation, this article divides the ten ASEAN member states into 3 groups of political regime; democracy, authoritarianism, and communism. Although each ten ASEAN member states have different political regimes, they could unite as an association intended to form a framework for regional cooperation with the implementation of three main objectives: to promote economic development, social progress and cultural development in the region through collaboration; to strengthen peace and security in Southeast Asia; the development of cooperation and mutual assistance on matters of common interest in the economic, social, cultural, technical, scientific and administrative fields. The article applies the comparative analysis methodology by comparing political system, political regime, party system which have influences on political participation of ASEAN member states’ people.

This article focuses on evolution of Iranian religious political thought of the second half of the 20th century. The author uses philosophic notions of “minimalist” and “maximalist” approach to the role of religion in social and political processes with the aim to classify different ideological conceptions that were born at that time and exist nowadays.

The author introduces the concept of “potential soft power”, indicating the potential (real or imaginary) of “soft power” influence of political actors, which they do not plan to use directly in a situation of political confrontation, but seek to capitalize on in order to influence the behavior of the opponent. The main objectives of “potential soft power” are deterrence, demoralization and reducing of the space of possible behavior of other parties (both opponents and allies). Certain propositions and statements of the concept of potential power of the economist and mathematician T. Schelling are applied to the perspective of “soft power” in world politics.

This article considered conceptual and administrative aspects of the e-government, traces the evolution of the interpretation of the term “the using of information technologies in functioning of public administration” to “collaborative public governance”. It is shown that in Russia, which is in conditions of an economic crisis and a difficult foreign policy situation, strengthened by the sanctions imposed against it, the decisions of “the electronic government” can become essential part of strategy of innovative public administration.

The transition to Modernity was characterized by the emergence and development of the culture of sovereigns’ residences. The constructivist approach to the study of the political space of the tsar country residences of the 17th century allow to establish that the sovereign was interested 1) in a hierarchic representation of all social groups, 2) in totalizing a hierarchical structure, underlining its coherence, unity and integrity, 3) that only tsar was endowed by political subjectivity. The success of the construction of political space was depended not only by the use of legal, social, spatial and other ways of organizing interaction, but also by the formation of political space (in the absence of the sovereign) that simulates a real political space and specifies all the positions within the hierarchical structure, including the tsar.