Vol 28, No 4 (2024): Discourse-pragmatic markers of (inter)subjective stance in Asian languages: With special focus on Chinese etymons
- Year: 2024
- Articles: 12
- URL: https://journals.rudn.ru/linguistics/issue/view/1815
- DOI: https://doi.org/10.22363/2687-0088-2024-4
Full Issue
Articles
Discourse-pragmatic markers of (inter)subjective stance in Asian languages
Abstract
This special issue is concerned with languages belonging to the Sinosphere, a region where China played an important geo-political and cultural leadership role. It aims to trace areal effects that the impact of Chinese had on the languages of the region over centuries. It deals with a number of words of Chinese origin used in Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese and Thai, as well as Chinese and investigates theoretically significant issues related to language contact, discourse-pragmatic aspects of language change, and socio-cultural influence on language development, among others, as exemplified in the development of discourse markers from their earlier lexical expressions originating from Chinese etyma. The nine contributions presented in this special issue have a number of things in common, in particular the following. First, they deal in some way or other with areal effects that the impact of Chinese had on these languages over centuries. Second, their goal is to achieve linguistic reconstruction, tracing present-day patterns of language use back to earlier states of language use. Third, linguistic reconstruction is restricted to linguistic material that was responsible for the rise and development of new patterns of discourse organization. Fourth, the tool most commonly employed for achieving reconstructions is grammaticalization theory. And finally, a central concern of the authors contributing to this special issue is with understanding the role played by discourse markers in linguistic development - how they arose and developed into what they are today. This special issue demonstrates that the languages figuring in it have received substantial influence from Chinese through written texts.
From temporal adverbials to discourse markers: The development of Chinese yuánláiand its Japanese cognate ganrai
Abstract
This study aims to explore and compare the developmental pathways of Chinese yuánlái ‘originally, previously’ and its Japanese cognate ganrai ‘originally, inherently’ from temporal adverbials to discourse markers (DMs). It seeks to reveal how words originating from the same Chinese source evolve into discourse markers with different functions. The data utilized are drawn from 4 electronic corpora and 1 database, which encompass the complete history of Chinese and Japanese. Chinese yuánlái developed from the temporal noun yuán ‘origin,’ and the suffix lái ‘to come’ was added in the 8th century CE, driven by the disyllabification trend in traditional Chinese. It entered Japanese through written texts in about the same period. Both yuánlái and ganrai embarked with the meaning of ‘originally, from the beginning.’ This study demonstrates that their semantic changes were motivated by the differentiation of pragmatic implicatures, specifically the Q-Principle and the R-Principle proposed by Laurence R. Horn (1984, 2012a, 2012b). Yuánlái followed a trajectory starting from the lexical meaning ‘previously’ with the feature of [+contrast], evolving into mirative, background and justificational markers. On the other hand, DM ganrai originated from the lexical meaning of ‘from the beginning till now, always’ with the feature of [-contrast], later interpreted as “by nature, inherently,” and eventually transformed into an elaborative marker. The findings of this study offer fresh insights into the emergence of discourse markers from shared Chinese etyma through language contact within the Sinosphere. Moreover, it is revealed that constraints of lexical meanings could influence the emergence of potential DM functions.
Speaker-orientation meaning and positional shifts of discourse structuring markers
Abstract
Discourse structuring markers, and, more generally, discourse markers, are known to be sensitive to their positions, often favoring the clause-initial position. On a diachronic dimension, some discourse structuring markers emerge at the clause-initial position and move to occur the clause-medial position at a later stage of their development, whereas some do not exhibit such positional shifts. The factors that enable such positional shifts have not yet been identified, and this study intends to fill the gap. This study collected discourse structuring markers attested in Chinese historical data from various sources and traced their developmental paths, focusing on their occurrence positions. Two groups of markers, i.e., the shènzhì (甚至) ‘even’ group and the bùguò (不过) ‘however, but’ group, exhibited a marked contrast in terms of their meanings and developmental patterns. An analysis led to the conclusion that the shift from the clause-initial to clause-medial positions is correlated with the presence of the speaker-oriented meanings; those with the speaker-oriented meanings (the shènzhì -group) shifted their positions, whereas those without such meanings (the bùguò- group) did not. This hypothesized correlation between the speaker-oriented meaning and the positional shift was examined with discourse structuring markers in English, which supported our hypothesis. Further research is needed to ascertain the crosslinguistic validity of the hypothesis, but at the current level of analysis, there is a strong indication that the presence or absence of the speaker-oriented meanings in the discourse structuring markers is the semantic determinant of their positional shift.
The way of truth : The case of the Korean discourse marker cincca in comparison with Chinese zhenshi and zhende
Abstract
Korean has a number of discourse markers (DMs) of Chinese origin, which carry similar and different functions as compared to Chinese source lexemes. Despite their significance, they have not received much attention, hence the rationale of the present study. The goal of the study is to compare DMs of the same origin in Korean and Chinese to identify similarities and differences, based on the data taken from historical and contemporary sources. The Korean DM cincca ‘a true thing’, composed of cin ‘tru(th)’ and the nominalizer cca ‘thing, person’, presents an interesting grammaticalization scenario into diverse discourse functions. The findings demonstrate that in addition to its original nominal function, the DM also carries an adjectival function of adding genuineness or excellence in quality to a modified noun or an adverbial function of adding emphasis to an adjective or a predicate. From this intensifying function there arise diverse DM functions through the interaction of the source meaning of ‘truthfulness’ and diverse inferences from the discourse contexts. The Chinese DMs involving the same etymon are zhende (from zhen ‘true’ and de ‘nominalizer’) and zhenshi (from zhen ‘true’ and shi ‘be so’). The functions of these two DMs are similar to those of the Korean cincca , but the Chinese DM zhenshi is negatively-biased by marking the speaker’s negative evaluation of the referenced person or event. An exploration on grammaticalization processes and functions in the two languages reveals much commonality but some differences in terms of functional distribution, prosody, and the extent of desemanticization.
From truth to truly: The case of shinni ‘truly’ in Japanese compared to Chinese, Korean and Thai counterparts
Abstract
This study traces the development of the adverb shinni ‘truly’, a hybrid form consisting of the Sino-Japanese noun shin (眞/真) ‘truth’ and the adverbializer -ni of Japanese origin, in the history of Japanese. The goal of the study is to compare the developmental pathway of shinni with that of ‘truth’-related words derived from the same Chinese word 眞/真 in Chinese, Korean, and Thai in order to seek commonalities and differences among them. In these languages, it is reported that some words with眞/真 have developed from “true” to “intensive”, and have further developed a number of interactional functions as discourse markers (DMs). The data were obtained from various historical and modern corpora and database. A total of 1810 occurrences of shinni in written and spoken Japanese of various genres were analysed with the focus on their pragmatic function. The study confirms a commonality in the development from “true” to “intensive” in shinni , illustrating its evolution from the noun shin (“true”) to the use of shinni that can be interpreted as serving to intensify the illocutionary force of what is being said (i.e., “intensive”). In contrast, this study finds that shinni does not bear any DM functions that some words with眞/真in Chinese, Korean, and Thai have developed. This study discussed the possibility that, due to various factors, the pace of change at advanced stages of grammaticalization may be more diversified than has previously been suggested.
The evolution of pragmatic marker zenzen in Japanese: From objectivity to intersubjectivity
Abstract
This paper investigates the semantic-pragmatic functions of the Japanese adverb zenzen (全然) ‘completely, entirely, not at all’ highlighting its semantic and functional development from its initial borrowing from the Chinese etymon to its contemporary use. The goal of the study is to investigate how zenzen is used in spoken discourse and what functions it has from the perspective of cooptation, subjectification, and intersubjectification. The paper traces the historical trajectory of zenzen from the early Meiji Period to the present, analyzing quantitative data from six corpora. A total of 2,154 examples were analysed. The results showed that in contemporary Japanese, zenzen serves to accentuate a state of perfection and reassurance, reflecting the speaker’s attitude toward the interlocutor. The paper argues that zenzen has evolved as a pragmatic marker, indicating the speaker’s epistemic stance and viewpoint. The paper attempts to explain how zenzen has transitioned from a lexical item with objective meanings to a pragmatic marker with (inter)subjective functions. The findings of the paper indicate that, zenzen functions as an adjectival noun combined with copula -da/-desu ‘to be’, creating a new unique construction [ zenzen-da/desu ]. These constructions play a role in expressing (inter)subjective meanings. The findings of the paper will prove useful in expanding our understanding of how diachronic language changes occur from the perspectives of cooptation, subjectification, and intersubjectification.
From a noun to a discourse marker: The case of seysang ‘world’ in Korean
Abstract
This study delves into the semantic evolution of the Korean lexeme seysang . Despite its rich functional development, seysang has received limited attention in grammaticalization research. This study addresses this gap by exploring its extended meanings and functional shifts in Korean. It aims to trace the transformation of seysang from a historical noun to its role as a contemporary discourse marker (DM) which conveys a range of pragmatic meanings, marking the speaker’s emotions and stances. Using historical and contemporary corpora, including data spanning from the 15th century to modern media, this paper qualitatively analyzes the grammaticalization process of seysang while quantitatively examining the discourse functions of seysangey . The analysis particularly focuses on seysangey ’s positional flexibility within Left Periphery (LP), Right Periphery (RP), and stand-alone positions, and its preference in positive, negative, and neutral contexts. This study further investigates whether seysangey ’s LP and RP functions align with previous research, which associates LP with subjectification and RP with intersubjectification. The analyses indicate that seysangey exhibits both subjectification and intersubjectification across LP, RP, and stand-alone positions. Findings reveal that seysang has expanded to signify broader social spaces, from birth-to-death spans and societal environments beyond enclosed communities to symbolic meanings of people’s hearts and the earthly realm. It also functions adverbially as ‘very’ (degree modifier) and ‘at all’ (negative polarity item). In Contemporary Korean, seysangey operates as a flexible DM marking subjectivity, intersubjectivity, and speaker stance, providing insight into the complexities of language evolution and external influences shaping the Korean lexicon and grammar.
From ‘one morning’ to a discourse marker: The case of iltan in Korean
Abstract
The goal of the paper is to identify the developmental pathways of iltan shaped by language contact with China. The study explores how the Sino-Korean term iltan evolved from a temporal noun into a discourse marker with distinctive functions. The study uses the perspectives of grammaticalization and pragmatics and employs historical and contemporary Korean corpora. Iltan originally meant ‘one morning’ and was used as a temporal noun in Late Middle Korean. However, its original meaning and noun status only persisted in Early Modern Korean until the 18th century. Its meaning ‘one morning’ was taken over by another Sino-Korean word, ilco , and purely Korean terms halwu achim and enu nal , which are all attested in the 15th century. As iltan shifted from a noun to an adverb, a connective, and a discourse marker, it acquired new meanings and functions associated with priority, short duration, and conditionality in Early Modern Korean. In Present-Day Korean, iltan is strategically used for multiple purposes, such as presenting topics and sub-topics, establishing common ground, filling pauses, indicating hesitation, and creating interruptions, thereby exerting its scope over a larger portion of the conversation. This transformation of iltan illustrates processes such as grammaticalization, discourse grammar, cooptation, (inter)subjectification, peripheral asymmetry, and source characteristics in comparison with the Chinese equivalent yīdàn . The findings provide insights into the Source Determination Hypothesis and its pragmatic implications.
From objective to subjective and to intersubjective functions: The case of the Thai ‘truth’-lexeme
Abstract
Borrowed lexemes developing into discourse markers (DMs) are uniquely valuable research topics from contact linguistic and grammaticalization perspectives. Although a large number of Sino-Thai lexemes are commonly used, there has not been any serious attempt to analyze such lexemes. The aim of this study is to describe diverse discourse functions of the Sino-Thai lexemes involving ciŋ ‘true’ drawing upon corpus data, to analyze their development with respect to grammaticalization mechanisms, to identify their DM properties, to compare with the developments reported in other languages, and to construct a conceptual-functional network. The data obtained from diverse sources, including historical and contemporary dictionaries, online resources, reference grammars, contemporary corpora, among others show that the lexeme ciŋ ‘true’ denotes ‘true, truth, real’ (objective meaning) as a lexical word, but it also functions adverbially as an intensifier marking ‘surely, definitely’ (subjective meaning) which is a natural development of its lexical meaning. In the domain of discourse, the lexeme acquired a number of interactional functions (intersubjective meaning). A review of the Thai DMs based on ciŋ ‘true’ (truth-DMs) in light of grammaticalization parameters shows that changes characterizable as desemanticization, extension, and decategorialization are observable, whereas erosion is either not observed or its reverse is often found. Despite variable degrees of semantic bleaching, the semantic change in the movement from objective to subjective, and further to intersubjective meanings, is prominent. The functional similarity between truth-DMs across languages notwithstanding, the differences are much greater. These findings contribute to the understanding of the role of source semantics as well as its limits in the developmental paths of DMs.
From truth to discourse marker: The case of thâִt in Vietnamese
Abstract
Vietnamese thật (truth)-based expressions are prevalent in a 17th-century text and contemporary data, however there has been a lack of in-depth studies of such Sino-Vietnamese expressions in terms of their grammaticalization into discourse markers (DMs). The aim of this study is to identify whether linguistic elements from the same source develop into DMs in a similar manner. To achieve this, I compared diachronic data in the 17th century to contemporary Vietnamese. The historical data includes the first Romanized Vietnamese prose written in 1651, while the contemporary data consists of written and spoken materials collected from a language consultant, internet quotes, and naturally occurring conversations. The main findings of this research are as follows: (1) Thật -related expressions appear to follow the well-attested grammatical path from “true” to “intensive” and further into DMs. (2) The subjective and intersubjective uses of thật forms are distributed complementarily: subjective usage tends to occur in the utterance-final position, while intersubjective usage typically appears in the utterance-initial position. (3) Thật has also combined with other elements to form multiword-unit DMs, indicating that DMs do not always undergo formal reduction. (4) Regarding the borrowing of DMs through language contact, examples from Vietnamese and other languages suggest that lexical elements are initially borrowed as in their original forms and then grammaticalized as DMs in ways that are language-specific yet comparable. These findings provide theoretical contributions to our understanding of the emergence and development of DMs in Vietnamese.