Recently the question of “pro-Western” orientation of the IR theory turned to become in the center of the academic discussions. Its critics as well as the adherents of “non-Western” theories are partly right. Really, during more than one and a half century the theory of international relations, born and developed mostly in the West had been mostly supporting the ideas, being forms first in Europe, later in the USA. The Anglo-Saxon authors are still dominating in the discipline, not only quantitatively (the huge scale of the publications of literature and professional magazines in English plus influence of the universities and scientific centers) as well as qualitatively (impressive financing opens the possibilities for the working out of the new ideas and the development of the ideas of different “schools” of thought - political realism, liberalism, constructivism, postmodernism, post-Marxism etc.). In the theories of IR was felt ideological biases. But on the wave of decolonization and later, in the context of the rising of Asian and other countries in world politics, the “Western” dominance was challenged by the IR-scholars from PR of Chine, India etc., who try to construct their own theories of international relations. The balance is slowly but continuously changing. But “Non-Western” theories are also not free from the ideological biases. Quite often they reject or severely criticize “Western” theories just because of their origin. Even more often they in fact continue to develop the same “Western” ideas, just adding to them the local thinker’s names or mentioning some national traditions or religious and cultural heritage. But if the Theory of international relations is a science, then, strictly speaking, in what country its main personalities were born and what language they were speaking, is not important. Obviously, the elements of ideology would be present. Just like any other social science, which deals not only with structures, but with human beings as well, it would be inevitably ideological. But it does not mean that theory may be identified with ideology. To solve this problem is possible through deconstruction of the theories, their “cleaning” of too obvious ideological moments - so the position of the IR scholar has to be a priori critical but preserving already achieved essence.

In recent years, Russian and foreign literature increasingly raises the question on national theories of international relations. A special interest is manifested towards non-Western theories of international relations. The article analyzes the reasons for such interest. It is noted that the main motive for scholars to search for national schools is the transformation of the political organization of the world that emerged in the West and was developing largely on the Western model. This transformation encompasses three levels of political organization of the modern world: the Westphalian system, the system of international (interstate) relations and the political systems of a state. Three levels of political organization of the world changing at the same time today reinforce each other and generate synergies. With such a large-scale transformation, when all three levels are “moving”, the world is facing for the first time, although the change of the second and especially the third levels were before. As far as the system of political organization of the world undergoes major changes, IR theories, which appeared in the West, are in crisis. Researchers’ attention to non-Western, primarily Asian TMO to find answers due to the following reasons: 1) the rapid economic growth of the region; 2) the development of scientific research in Asia; 3) the crisis of the Western model of political organization in the world that encourages the search for solutions in other civilizational structures. The article substantiates the necessity and possibility of “project activities” for reforming the political organization of the world and include practices that exist in different regions of the world. In order to implement such activities, the work of specialists from different brunches of social sciences is required.

The article revisits the utility of sociological theories for the students of international relations. The failure of IR scholars to predict Ukrainian crisis revealed the limits of realism, which still remains most influential IR theory. These limits make rethink the prospects of convergence of IR and sociological theories. Pros and cons of holistic constructivist theory are examined. The article results in making an “agent-focused” model composed of the concepts of Max Weber’s interpretive sociology, Graham Allison’s typology of models of decision making and Mark Haas’s model of ideological origins of great powers’ politics. In doing so, it also revisits the concept of identity as a mean to understand “social facts” and their influence on foreign policy. The emphasis on the “agent” though not the “structure” is approached as an alternative to holistic constructivism of Alexander Wendt and his epigones. The “agent” model is supposed to be more capable for studies of great powers’, which play an active role in setting up the “structure’s” parameters. Three different approaches to “agent” are considered - “agent” as a state, as a bureaucratic body or structure within the state and as decision-makers and their staff. The model is designed for further empirical research of the Russian foreign policy.

Now the concept of “soft power” introduced by the American political scientist Joseph Nye Jr., is of particular interest in the theory of international relations. Among the Asian countries special attention paid to China, which currently has not only extensive economic and political resources, but also sources of non-power influence. In the article, the authors explore a concept as “Buddhist diplomacy” and its role in China's foreign policy activities. It also examined the historical formation of Buddhism and its development as a resource of “soft power” by way of the one of state Chinese religions that is part of the syncretic complex, along with Confucianism and Taoism, in different periods of Chinese civilization, from the pre-imperial period to the modern framework. In this study were examined the views of Russian and foreign experts on the directions and spheres of the definition of the “Buddhism diplomacy” and the peculiarities of its implementation by the Chinese government. This research based on the using on using the historical approach and general scientific methods, such as analysis, synthesis, deduction, etc. In the article, the authors revealed the current state of religion on the example of Buddhism in China's foreign policy strategy both on the world stage and at the regional level and main aspects within which Chinese Buddhist diplomacy is developing.

This article is devoted to the theme, scientific actuality and practical relevance of which is not in doubt, and is caused by a new wave of interest in human security. The human security concept has been the subject of active discussions on national and international security forums for the past 10 years. This article is focused on the human security concept evolution in the framework of the UN in conditions of the growing challenges and threats as well as polycentric world and international relations transformation. The author turned to the analysis of human security issues in the UN human rights dimension, as this organization performs a key role in the application and implementation of the concept on a global scale. The detailed periodization of human security development within the UN is presented for the first time. The analysis of the situation with Syrian refugees in Lebanon is carried out in the format of a case study. Author has made an attempt to undertake not a comprehensive analysis of the concept within the UN, but re-evaluation of new trends and dominant problems in practical application of human security idea and its impact on the effectiveness of international organizations.

Globalization and technological changes of the recent decade led to powerful transformations in the society, creating huge opportunities for economic and social development. Simultaneously these political, economic, social and technological shifts bring new challenges: enhanced mutual vulnerability of states; growing inequality; macroeconomic and financial instability; rise of terrorism; unbalanced growth of population and employment; waves of migration; increased rate of pandemic diseases diffusion; climate change and growing competition for resources. To prevent and manage the threats it is vital to ensure efficiency of the global governance system. Though lacking in legitimacy G20, set up in response to the global economic and financial crisis, has proved its efficiency in crafting and implementing consensus based decisions with a catalytic impact for global governance. Russia has a very strong track record in the G20 and it is vital to build on the success. The article reviews the G20 role in the global governance system and examines the factors of Russia’s success in the G20. Looking into the future, the author outlines G20 future agenda; proposes a strategy and a set of measures which would maximize G20 utility for Russia. Content analysis of the G20 documents, Russia’s national G20-related documents, interviews and statements is carried out to track whether Russia’ priorities in G20 have been achieved. Historical overview of G20 performance and Russia’s work in the G20 is undertaken to identify success factors. The G20 SWOT analysis is applied to reveal G20 strengths and opportunities and identify weaknesses and threats. Results of the SWOT analysis are used to develop a proposal for Russia’s strategy with regard to the G20. Drawing on the long-term forecasts, assessment of the G20 performance so far and its engagement with the other international organizations, the author makes an assertion that G20 agenda will deepen in the long-term, the demand for a cross-cutting approach to the new challenges will grow, alongside with the demand for the forum’s leadership in global governance. The article highlights decisions, recommendations and provisions spelt out in G20 key documents (including national growth strategy and employment plan) and G20 commitments on financial regulation, trade, infrastructure investment, energy and innovations which can contribute to development of a new model of the country growth and its integration into the world system. The author proposes a strategy which should maximize G20 effectiveness for Russia consolidating significant diplomatic, expertise and political assets Russia has already accrued in the G20 process, arguing that though such strategy will require organizational, financial and human resources mobilization, it will allow overcome existing and potential risks for promoting Russia’ priorities, such as declining share of the world GDP, geopolitical tensions, rise of new powers, aggravation of tensions between developed and developing countries and sliding level of consensus in the G20.

This article presents the results of the study devoted to stereotyped visual symbols as a part of the corporate identity complex of anti-genocide organizations aimed to reach an international genocide recognition as a part of their strategies. The relevance of the stud y is justified with the similarity of modern tools for visualizing the unique characteristics of organizations and centuries-old practice of opponents opposing each other, what was discovered in the investigation process. The effectiveness of the usage of stereotyped visual symbols as the means of public consolidation in combating the genocide, which is the purpose of this study, is proved. Using the method of structural and semiotic analysis, the authors studied visual symbols used as the means of broadcasting the public opinion coded into a key message within the framework of the anti-genocide organizations’ activities. The studied visual symbols were identified as the means of stereotyped influence aimed on the mass audience, which allowed us to conclude about the effectiveness of such symbols in solving problems in mass communications. During the generalization and systematization of the data obtained, the most frequently used symbols which enclose the codes of certain cultures were identified, which led us to the conclusion that such symbols are stereotypically used in the context of combating genocide and bringing the public forward the recognition of such conflicts.

Vladimir G. Baranovskiy is one of the leading specialists in the field of international relations in Russia. He was born on December 30, 1950 in Moscow. In 1972 he graduated from the Moscow Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1973-1976 he studied at the graduate school of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Since 1976 he works in the structure of the IMEMO Academy of Sciences of the USSR. In 1982-1988 - Head of the International Security Sector of the IMEMO Academy of Sciences of the USSR. In 1986he defended his doctoral thesis on “The European Community in the System of International Relations”. In 1988-1992 - Head of the Department of Western European Studies, IMEMO USSR Academy of Sciences (IMEMO RAS). In 1992-1998 he was the chief research fellow at IMEMO RAS. In 1992-1996 he led the project at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). Since 1998 - deputy director of IMEMO RAS. Since 2005 - Professor of the Department of International Relations and Foreign Policy of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. Since 2011 - full member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. In his interview, V. G. Baranovsky talks about ethics and morality in international relations, multipolarity and the role of ideology in foreign policy.