Boko Haram* Insurgency and the Challenges of Internally Displaced Persons in Nigeria

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Introduction Kofi Annan, a former Secretary General of the United Nations (UN), advocated that internally displaced people are the most vulnerable members of society, and that their displacement is “the greatest tragedy of our time facing the global system and the state” [1]. The consequences of insurgency, internal strife, and natural disasters force internally displaced people (IDPs) to live lives they never desired. As a result of displacement, people are evicted from their homes in their own country because they are no longer able to function in their country of origin. Displacement within one’s own country has always existed and became a global concern after World War II. Since the end of the cold war, the majority of violations of displaced persons’ rights have been caused by intra-state [2]. Following the end of the Cold War, Africa experienced a string of wars that resulted in the displacement of millions of people. Numerous Nigerians have fled their homes as a result of the Boko Haram* insurgency and Hausa-Fulani violence. When you consider how many lives have been lost, and how much infrastructure has been destroyed, and how many people have become homeless, it’s no wonder that internal conflicts continue to escalate [2]. IDPs from Adamawa, Yobe, and Borno were displaced by Boko Haram* to the tune of 300,000 in 2013. The Boko Haram* insurgency and other humanitarian crises in 2013 forced 470,500 people from their homes in some communities [3]. Despite this, with 3.3 million people expected to be displaced in 2014, Nigeria has the highest number of internally displaced people in Africa [4]. In addition to those displaced by Boko Haram*, flood victims, and conflicts between Fulani herdsmen and farmers are included in this figure. Nigeria, after Syria with 6.5 million IDPs and Colombia with 5.7 million, is the country with the third-highest number of IDPs worldwide, according to UNHCR [3]. Interestingly, much attention has not really been placed on the issues facing internally displaced persons in Nigeria which this study will contribute to existing knowledge. Based on this the research examines the challenges of IDPs in Nigeria. The Concept of Insurgency The concept of insurgency just like every other concept in other disciplines suffers the absence of a universal definition, as different scholars of politics and international relations have submitted diverse views on the concept. Invariably, insurgency is defined in several ways. For Sambo [5] “insurgency refers to the instrumentalization of violence by an individual or group of individuals against constituted authority, to engender political change”. Borrowing from the Clausewitzian definition of warfare, Brooker explains “insurgency as the pursuit of political goals through the means of organized violence”. The definition by Brooks [6] implies that insurgency can be used for other purposes than political * Recognized as a terrorist organization in the Russian Federation. change as explained by Sambo [5]. “Insurgency is a rebellion against legitimate political authorities” [7]. Different forms of insurgency are observed around the world. While they build on varying discrepancies, the central nature of all typologies is rebellion against constituted authority. One of such typologies of insurgency is spiritual/ religious insurgency. Spiritual insurgency revolts against constituted spiritual authorities and states with prevalent spiritual ideologies. Insurgents in this case embark on rebellion to find fulfilment or confront a socio-cultural and economic system that alienates them [8]. In congruence with this, [9] asserts that “spiritual insurgency searches for justice for a wrong done previously by the actor being revolted against”. The likelihood of spiritual insurgency is high in areas where religious principles and ideals influence political, economic, and social processes. Such areas include Middle Eastern countries. Commercial insurgency is another variant to be considered. The phenomenon of commercial insurgency is made possible when entities within the society capitalize on the lack or absence of material possessions to embark on acts of rebellion [8]. Societies, where unemployment and poverty are widespread have higher chances of witnessing commercial insurgency. Insurgents employ violence and rebellion to protest the lack of jobs, poverty, and lack of socio-economic means. Another form of insurgency examined in this study is the liberation insurgency. This form of insurgency is rebellion against constituted authority for actualizing freedom or independence. Such rebellions were prominent in colonial societies, where domination by foreign powers are inherent. In such cases, elements within the society instrumentals, violence to achieve their desire for independence [8]. Closely related to this typology is separatist insurgency. In such a case, insurgents are not battling colonial powers but indigenous governments to achieve self-determination. Separatist movements advocate for the sovereignty of their members or ethnic group [10]. Boko Haram* Insurgency in Nigeria Unprecedented numbers of Nigerians have been killed and wounded in the insurgency, and thousands have been displaced from their homes because they identify as religious or ethnic minorities. As a result, schools have been disrupted and closed, businesses have lost billions of naira, and properties have been destroyed [11]. Unavoidably, insurgency has a negative impact on society and the economy. Because of Boko Haram’s* insurgency, educational institutions have been destroyed and economic activities have been severely affected. Nigerian President Obasanjo argued that insurgency had cost Nigeria billions of naira that could have been used for development projects such as road constructions and improvements to the nation’s medical and educational systems [12]. There have been a number of people forced to leave their homes in states such as Bauchi, Gombe, Taraba, Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa since the “insurgency began in Nigeria”. As a result of the insurgency, Nigeria’s political climate has been ravaged by displacement and social dislocation. In the northern part of Nigeria, alone, 140,000 people were displaced from their homes in 2014 [11]. It was reported in 2015 that 70,000 Nigerians had emigrated to Benin, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon. More than 1,000 people have been internally displaced from the northern part of Nigeria [12]. According to the United Nations, insurgency has become a major threat to the world’s stability, and as a result, no country in the world can claim that it is free from violent acts such as shootings, armed robberies, bombings and hostage taking. Since the 1970s, insurgency has become the greatest threat to world peace [13]. As a result, Nigeria faces its own set of challenges in terms of national security and development. According to Mohammed [14] “since the insurgency became violent in 2009, it has led to over two million people being displaced within and across borders between neighbouring countries”. Salkida argued Boko Haram’s* attacks have expanded beyond Nigeria’s borders since 2010 when it became more violent. Schools, police stations, churches, and mosques are targeted by the sects. More than 276 schoolgirls were kidnapped in Chibok, Borno state. According to estimates, Boko Haram* was responsible for the deaths of about 2,000 people in Nigeria [15]. Because of this government declared war on terrorists and its escalation in 2012 and 2013, Yobe, Adamawa, and Borno states declared states of emergency. Unaffected by this, Boko Haram* has continued to wreak havoc, according to Adamu and Rasheed [16] “Boko Haram* has forced millions of Nigerians to flee their homes in the north-eastern part of the country”. Since 2014, Boko Haram* insurgency in Nigeria has caused massive displacement in Nigeria. According to Abdulazeez, [17] Yobe, Borno and Adamawa states alone, “insurgency were responsible for the displacement of about two million people as of October 2015”. Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC [18] reports that the Nigerian military and the Joint Task Force from Chad, Niger, Benin, and Cameroon increased counter-insurgency operations in response to attacks in displacement camps. In the end, 279,000 people were displaced. A total of 1,707,000 people were internally displaced as of 2017. According to Marama [19] Borno state IDPs were forced to flee their camps after Boko Haram* assassinated 13 people on the 2nd of October 2018. Internally Displaced Persons A global understanding of displaced persons does not yet exist. Despite this, the United Nations has a working definition of internally displaced individuals who have been forcibly displaced as a result of armed conflict, IDPs are people who have been internally displaced because of widespread hostility, man-made disasters, and human rights violations and have remained * Recognized as a terrorist organization in the Russian Federation. inside their country’s borders [20]. the African Union Convention for the Assistance and Protection of IDPs (Kampala Convention, 2009), Internally Displaced Persons were defined as “groups or individuals who have been forced to leave their places of residence in order to avoid the consequences of conflict, circumstances of generalized violence, or man-made disasters and who have not crossed its state boundaries”. Akanmu, Ogunsesan, Omotosho and Adejare, [21] defined IDPs as “groups or individuals forced to flee their homes unexpectedly, but within their state’s border” because of organized internal strife, armed conflict, human rights abuses, or man-made or natural disasters. Abdulrahman and Zuwaira [11] IDPs are a “group of people forced to leave their place of residence in order to or in order to avoid natural disasters, situations of widespread violations of human rights, and armed conflict but who have not crossed the state borders”. Also, Oduwole and Fadeyi [4] defined IDPs as “people or groups of people who flee their homes because of floods, mass human rights abuses, armed conflicts, earthquakes and other natural disasters for protection and safety without returning to their country of origin”. Gwadabe, Salleh, Ahmad and Jamil [22], observed that IDPs are individuals forced to relocate from their homes due to natural or man-made disasters. According to Letswa and Isyaku [12] internal displacement refers to “people who left their homes due to violent conflict but seek a temporary settlement within their country of origin”. Reasons for Displacement in Nigeria Active participation in armed conflict between states or non-state actors; widespread violence; man-made disasters; and, in some cases, human rights violations that purposefully target particular populations. The need for relocation due to development or environmental protection, where necessary relocation may be required for projects involving vital infrastructure or other factors, are some of the more prevalent causes of forced migration [16]. Nigerians are compelled to relocate as a result of various factors. Ethnic or religious differences, political struggles, as well as economic and social factors, all contribute to conflicts. The equation is completed as a result of a combination of declining levels of education and rising levels of poverty [13]. Nigeria’s has over 250 ethnic groups, these have resulted to a number of clashes that have led to armed conflict, Interethnic conflict between the Tiv and Jukun in October 2001 resulting in the displacement of 300,000 to 500,000 individuals, also more than 2,000 people were forced to flee their homes after Yoruba and Hausa clashed in 2002 [23]. The United Nations office of Humanitarian Affairs, view that “Boko Haram* renewed attacks in 2009, more than twenty thousand people have lost their lives, countless girls and women have been abducted and children taken as suicide bombers”. Oriakhi and Osemwengie [24] both observed that “assaults conceded by insurgency in Nigeria has brought about the destruction of properties amounting to billions of naira, loss of lives, income to mention, loss of investment, and infrastructural damage” and so on… According to UNOCHA a further 2.5 million people have fled their homes, over 2 million are internally displaced, and about 200 thousand have fled to the surrounding states of Chad, Niger, and Cameroon [25]. Over 3 million Nigerians have been internally displaced, with 900,000 of them coming from the north east. They make up ten percent of the world’s internally displaced people, trailing only Syria and Colombia in terms of numbers. They are also the largest population of conflict-affected IDPs in Africa [26]. Boko Haram* didn’t make an international splash until 2011, and since then, the attacks of this group have caused hardship for people’s lives and property in the north as well as serious injuries. As a result of these attacks, which also result in the destruction of homes, businesses, and schools, there have been bombings, kidnappings, robberies, and murders. The terrorist organisation seized control of numerous villages and proclaimed them to be “sovereign states” [26]. As of 2015, approximately thirty million people were internally displaced, which equates to sixty-six thousand people being displaced daily in 2015. There are significant numbers of internally displaced people in Iraq, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), South Sudan, Sudan, Nigeria, Columbia, Kenya, and Syria. By the end of 2015, the civil war in Syria had internally displaced five million people [27]. Over two million internally displaced people were thought to be living in Nigeria in 2015, dispersed across twenty-seven local government areas and thirteen states. However, there are exceptions for those who were displaced as a result of communal conflicts between farmers and herdsmen [27]. The Hausa-Fulani Cattle herders have caused displacement among the populace of Nigeria. After these deaths, Nigeria became the third most terrorized country in the world, behind only Afghanistan and Pakistan [28]. Only in 2014 are more than 1,000 people believed to have been killed, and more than 700 in the first quarter of 2015 [28]. Several people were killed and displaced in Southern Kaduna in 2017 [25]. This shows that Fulani men have been attacking villages in Southern Kaduna for the past six years. Theresa; Okoli; and Uroko [25] report that Fulani herdsmen attacked Goska in Southern Kaduna on the eve of Christmas 2016, setting fire, maiming and killing innocent Nigerians. Christianity and Islam are Nigeria’s two most popular religions, Whereas Muslims tend to cluster around Fulani-Hausa tribes in the country’s northern regions, Christians tend to cluster around the country [22]. Christians and Muslims have been fighting more in Nigeria since the implementation of Sharia laws in 12 northern states back in 2000, resulting in thousands of IDPs. As a result of religious bigotry between the two dominant religions, different ethnic groups have engaged in religious clashes and riots, particularly between the Muslim majority Hausa-Fulani and other nationalities of other ethnic groups [23]. As an example, the Kaduna State crisis, where Kaduna-South is predominantly Christian and KadunaNorth is predominantly Muslim. These bloody clashes have caused unrest in the affected states, resulting in the displacement of thousands of people. There have been displaced people in Nigeria because of the Hausa-Fulani herdsmen killings. As a result, Nigeria was ranked the world’s 3rd most terrorized nation [28]. According to reports, Hausa-Fulani herdsmen killed over 1,000 people last year alone, and over 700 in the first quarter of 2015 [28]. An attack by herdsmen in Southern Kaduna left many dead and displaced [25]. Fulani herdsmen have been attacking villages in Southern Kaduna for the past six years. To make matters worse in 2016, Fulani herders attacked Goska in Southern Kaduna, burning, maiming, and killing innocent Nigerians on the eve of Christmas [25]. Natural disasters, such as desertification and drought, force Nigerians to leave their homes. As a result of the recent overflow of the Niger River in Nigeria, thousands of internally displaced persons (ID Residents in the North suffer from flooding, while those in the East suffer from erosion, and the Delta region, also known as South-South, is notorious for oil spillage) [25]. According to National Emergency Management Agency report (2015), Only in Nigeria did a natural disaster cause more than 60,000 people to flee their homes in January of that year. A national disaster was declared on September 17th, 2018, by the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), resulting in the displacement of thousands of people and the deaths of over 100 people in the states of Kogi, Anambra, Katsina, Kaduna and Delta. Theoretical Framework According to Abraham Maslow’s 1943 paper “A Theory of Human Motivation” in psychological review, this study relies on the human needs theory (HNT). Human needs are universal and non-negotiable, according to this theory, certain needs are deemed more important for human survival. Water, food and shelter are not the only things Maslow and Burton believe are necessary for human survival, Human beings are also driven to achieve non-physical and physical necessities, as well as other needs [29]. When it comes to understanding the causes of conflict and how to resolve it, HNT is a valuable tool. HNT is viewed by scholars as a tool for mediation, peace prevention, and post-conflict peacebuilding [30]. Internally displaced people in Nigeria reside in churches, tents, schools, and unfinished structures as a result of the Boko Haram* insurgency. Inadequate security, sanitation, and health care are unavailable to Nigeria’s displaced population. Others, however, are victims of human trafficking, sexual assault, or both. Displaced Persons reported experiencing a number of violations, including displacement, movement restrictions, land violations, and stationary deployment of armed forces to the camps [31]. In order to help displaced people relocate safely and in a better living environment, the government must be more considerate of their needs. To do this, it must provide them with the infrastructure and amenities they require. These unmet needs are what Maslow referred to as pressing needs, and this will at the very least meet their aspirations. Research Methods In order to examine the challenges faced by internally displaced people in Nigeria as a result of the Boko Haram* insurgency and Boko Haram* international networks, this study uses the qualitative method and relies on secondary sources of data. The study specifically uses books, book chapters, scholarly journals, news magazines, conference proceedings, newspapers, and internet sources to gather its data. To structure the arrangement of the data retrieved by adhering to the study’s objectives, these data are analysed using thematic analysis. Boko Haram* and the International Networks Strong evidence suggests that Boko Haram* has maintained close ties with individuals and groups outside of Nigeria since its founding. Boko Haram* leader Tishau asserts that after the democratically elected government of Mauritania in North Africa was overthrown in 2005, the group’s international connections there started. Mauritanian warlords who wanted to use Boko Haram* members as mercenaries in the conflict that erupted after the state’s military takeover contacted the group’s founder while claiming they were going to the North African nation for advanced Islamic studies [32]. Tishau claims that the group’s founder, though, rejected this demand due to internal conflict caused by some northern elites with Mauritania-related interests pitting group members against Yusuf and his supporters, this rejection caused division within the group. Tishau claims that some Boko Haram* members did agree to participate in the Mauritanian conflict and receive military training there [32]. Islamic schools are sending students to Mauritania to train as terrorists while claiming to be sponsors for advanced Islamic studies. The group realised the need to form networks with other transnational groups as its objectives became more militant. After that, the group started to associate itself publicly with Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda*. “Boko Haram* is simply a rebranded version of Al Qaeda*, which we support and respect”, read one of its earliest statements [33]. We back Osama bin Laden, and we’ll carry out his orders in Nigeria until that nation completely converts to Islam, as Allah desires. In other places, the group’s leaders vowed to spread the word that their jihadists had come to Nigeria from Somalia, where they had received practical military instruction from the group’s brethren who had turned that nation into an unruly state. Reliable reports show that the group later communicated with Al Shabaab* in Somalia and Al Qaeda in the Maghrib* (AQIM*), so this strategy appears to have been successful. General Carter Ham, a top US military commander for Africa, was the one who initially raised the alarm when he suggested that Boko Haram* was in the process of forming a partnership with Al Shabaab* and AQIM* [34]. This may have been based on encouragement from the former, as evidenced by a leader of AQIM’s* declaration that his organisation would significantly support. According to an interview with Al Jazeera, Boko Haram* plans to expand by providing military and logistical support. Abdelkader Messahel, Algeria’s deputy foreign minister, said in a similar vein: “We have no doubt that coordination exists between Boko Haram* and Al Qaeda*” [35]. Cooperation is evident from both intelligence reports on how both organisations operate. The United Nations Security Council asserted to be aware of Boko Haram* members’ training in AQIM* camps in Mali, and there are reports that connect Boko Haram* even more closely to the insurgency in northern Mali. 346 H. Onapajo and co. at 13:09 on August 11, 2015, [Ecole Hautes Etudes Commer-Montréal] For instance, it was asserted that the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa was responsible for the April 2012 raid on the Algerian embassy in the Malian city of GAO, which led to the hostage-taking of seven Algerian diplomats (MUJWA). According to reports, this raid heavily involved members of Boko Haram* (an alleged dissident group of Al Qaeda*) [36]. According to a local official in Mali, there are about 100 Boko Haram* fighters in Gao. They are not hiding the fact that they are Nigerian and are from Niger. Some of them even can describe themselves - Boko Haram* - in the local tongue. Significant evidence of connections between Boko Haram* and some very well-established transnational terrorist networks can be found in the group’s increased sophistication of its terrorist campaign, which appears to be the result of well-orchestrated planning and significant funding. Pentaerythritol Tetranitrate and Triacetone Triperoxide, two “highly powerful and volatile” plastic explosives, were heavily utilised in the attack on the UN building in Abuja in August 2011, leading Nigerian security personnel and outside security experts to draw the conclusion that the attack was well beyond the capabilities of a local terrorist organisation [36]. In light of this, there have been rumours suggesting a connection between Boko Haram* and a few insurgent groups in Iraq. According to US bomb expert John Myrick, insurgencies in Somalia and Nigeria have been linked to a more deadly type of bomb known as a “shaped charge”. In the Iraq War of 2003, only this type of bomb was used. According to the argument, because more advanced alQaeda*-affiliated organisations are advising and training African militants, Africa is becoming a destination for the deadlier bombs. General Andrew Azazi, Nigeria’s national security adviser, continued, “We have evidence that some Boko Haram* leaders were trained outside of Nigeria; who taught them their methods, their bombmaking technologies?” J. Peter Pham claimed that Boko Haram* had upgraded its tactical and operational strategies by using On June 16, 2011, one of the deadliest weapons in the jihadist arsenal was used against the inspector general of the Nigerian police force at the force’s Abuja headquarters, demonstrating its capacity to carry out vehicle-borne IED (improvised explosive device) suicide attacks [37]. In a similar vein, Onyeabor Azubuike Ihejirika, lieutenant general, there is no denying that the groups known as Boko Haram* or terrorists, receive funding and training from abroad, according to the Chief of Army Staff of Nigeria [33]. This was evident from the types of weapons, communication tools, and improvised explosive device-making prowess we seized from them; all of which point to the involvement of foreigners in the terrorism occurring in Nigeria. Additionally, according to reliable reports, the Nigerian State Security Service learned that the group had stopped relying on normal donations from its members in favour of receiving funding from some organisations in the UK and Saudi Arabia as a result of its connections with AQIM*. Additionally, unnamed Nigerian businessmen Nigerian security personnel have described individuals from the state of Bauchi as having close ties to AQIM*, connections to Boko Haram*, and financial support [34]. Challenges of Internally Displaced Persons in Nigeria Those who are internally displaced in Nigeria and elsewhere in the world face a variety of challenges. In addition, these challenges are very similar. Nigerians, on the other hand, have been forced to flee their homes by Boko Haram* to the extent that over 90 % of them have been internally displaced. This has resulted in the breakdown of family structures, deaths, destruction of infrastructure People had no choice but to leave their homes because of the security [38]. The “National Emergency Management Agency” (NEMA) claims that “children who are internally displaced are absent from school in significant numbers because they have been split up from family members or because their parents have died during armed conflict. The destruction of schools by terrorists, the abduction of schoolchildren, and the murder of teachers were the causes of the North’s educational collapse. These children’s education is often substandard and lacking due to poor learning conditions and a lack of teaching aids, even when they are able to go to school. The majority of the time, teachers who are incompetent are willing to teach [17]. Child refugees and those who have fled their homes without knowing where they can find their families were among the issues highlighted by NEMA. This includes children who are kidnapped and recruited by Boko Haram* to be suicide bombers or terrorists” [17]. IDPs have been forced to flee their homes and seek refuge in mosques, schools, churches, and informal settlements as a result of Boko Haram’s* activities, which has had a detrimental effect on their health [8]. Obaji and Alobo [39] claim that displaced people experience a range of security difficulties, such as gender- and child-based hostility, family separations, exploitation, and detention without regard for the law. IDPs in Nigeria, according to Ahmad, [22] reside in town halls, government buildings, schools, churches, bunkhouses, and tents. As a result of the inadequacy of these shelters, most people are asked to leave, or because of the overcrowding and lack of sanitation and water facilities, women are deprived of their privacy. Unprecedented levels of violence have resulted in the deaths and injuries of hundreds of innocent people because of their race or religion. Even children’s education is affected and disrupted, as well as the loss of millions in revenue for companies [12]. A state’s economy and well-being are severely damaged by insurgency, and this cannot be overstated. As a result of insurgencies, Nigeria’s financial operations have been paralyzed and its educational institutions demolished. Insurgency in Nigeria has cost billions of dollars since Obasanjo took office, which could have been used to grow important economic industries like road construction, the refurbishment of educational institutions, the advancement of health care, and the provision of public facilities to the entire country [40]. Boko Haram’s* insurgency has been the most devastating in Nigeria, causing social dislocation and displacement of individuals. It appears that more than 140,000 people in 2014, people in the northern region of the country were compelled to leave their homes, villages, and communities. In 2015, Nigerians fled to nearby nations like Chad, Cameroon, Niger, and the Benin Republic. Evidence suggests that about 1000 IDP camps exist in Nigeria’s 36-state federation, with most of them in northern Nigeria [11]. Nearly a million people are believed to be internally displaced in Borno, according to the third Displacement Tracking Matrix from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), International Organization for Migration (IOM), and National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) (DTM). Conclusion The literature from this study has shown that Nigeria’s internal displacement issues has been filled with information that Nigerian IDPs suffer from a variety of issues, including unemployment and insecurity. It was also noted that Boko Haram* terrorists were responsible for the largest number of IDPs in the country and that they could recruit IDPs as suicide bombers for their organization. As a result of these factors, government efforts to combat terrorism may be undermined. Boko Haram’s* insurgency, according to most of the existing literature, revealed that the major obstacles IDPs face are insecurity and unemployment. As a result, the government, which has the responsibility to protect IDPs, should provide basic needs and ensure the safety of IDPs within its territorial boundary. The majority of the relief supplies required by internally displaced people are provided by religious organisations, associations, and well-meaning Nigerians; therefore, the government must increase its assistance to these people with obvious and tangible relief. The government can take advantage of the fact that many IDPs are skilled in a variety of professions by creating programmes for their vocational re-training. The government can take it a step further for skilled IDPs by accelerating the advancement of low-interest loans to address the issue of lack of start-up funds, which jeopardises their economic opportunities in new areas. The above efforts would have been successful in resolving that issue because a common theme in the literature is that the IDPs and their host communities are constantly at odds and, in some cases, violently clash over a lack of economic resources.

About the authors

Ejiroghene A. Oghuvbu

Delta State University

Author for correspondence.
Email: augustine4best@yahoo.com
ORCID iD: 0000-0003-1422-3806

PhD, Lecturer of the Department of History and International Studies

Abraka, Nigeria, 330105

References