Transnationalism as a Key Trend of Regional Self-government in the Basque Country

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In 2021, the Basque Country resumed the debate on updating the Statute of Guernica (the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Country of 1979). This topic itself is not a unique phenomenon: dissatisfaction with the degree of autonomy is evident in sociological surveys and is a frequent topic of the political agenda. However, the author emphasizes a number of new aspects of the problem. The president of the BNP (the Basque Nationalist Party), which holds the majority of seats in the parliament of the region, Andoni Ortuzar, declared that work on updating the Statute of Autonomy should be based on three key principles: recognition of the Basque nation, equal bilateral relations with the state and a system of conflict resolution through dialogue [1]. Considering the rhetoric of this debate, the author of the article suggests studying this stage of discussions about the Basque Statute as an example of Basque nationalism reevaluating, as well as the development of transnational trends in the governance of the region, which, however, are also previously known in this case. The article is based on the theory of transnationalism, the concept of the coexistence of national and post-national, supported by a number of modern authors. Within the framework of this concept, post-national and national are not considered as development stages that replace each other, but as jointly existing and/or competing forms. The theory of transnationalism emerged in the 1990s [2. P. 71] as a new theoretical paradigm for rethinking the processes of migration and the formation of diasporas. A migrant and a representative of the diaspora in this theoretical scheme transfers several identities [3] that might be quite blurred. However, over time, the theory of transnationalism ceased being limited to considering only the above processes and commenced to cover broader theoretical areas: for example, it is understood as any «process that transcends international borders» [4. P. 13], and in the context of this study, the author refers primarily to this understanding of the term. The understanding of the transnational as a phenomenon that transcends borders brings it closer to the post-national, namely as S. Sassen understood it [5]: as the formation of a post-national/transnational European identity, which develops within the framework of the EU integration process initially as the implementation of formal European citizenship, and then goes beyond this status and becomes a cultural perception of European identity. Simultaneously, understanding diaspora processes from the perspective of transnationalism is also purposeful for studying the Basque situation. The interpretation of the diaspora phenomenon in modern science is particularly problematic due to the variety of approaches. The foreign academic literature of the XX century offered a variety of diaspora typologies: Brubaker’s “victim diasporas”, Schaefer’s typology of diasporas and others. In Russian academic literature of this period, the diaspora was understood as a predominantly ethnic phenomenon [6]. The development of migration processes and integration in the EU have brought their own changes to the understanding of the diaspora phenomenon, as new diaspora groups began to assume various shapes and structures. While considering the diaspora phenomenon, a significant part of the sources refers to diasporas’ relations with nation-states [4. P. 23], thus the diaspora is a community that lobbies for a certain position on the issue of political conflicts in the territory of their historical homeland in the host state. The term “historical homeland” is often used for defining diasporas and is a problem for interpretation due to the fact that it may not be clearly defined [7]. However, in this study, the Basque historical homeland is understood as the territories of modern Basque Autonomous Community in Spain and the provinces in Pyrénées-Atlantiques department (French Basque Country). Taking into account the diversity of approaches to the phenomenon of the diaspora, the author identifies the most significant concepts for defining the Basque diaspora. Firstly, the Basque diaspora is an ethnic population that lives outside the “historical homeland”, possessing a number of characteristics, including the presence of a collective myth and a memory of the “historical homeland”, the presence of an emotional connection (often idealizing) with the “historical homeland”, in addition to a sense of solidarity with the diasporal communities in other countries [8. P. 29]. Secondly, the definition linking the diaspora to the transnational approach, in which the diaspora is considered as a transnational advocacy network [4. P. 15] is significant for understanding the Basque diaspora. To understand the applicability of the approach in this case, it is required to refer to historical aspects of Basque diasporas development. The first President of the Basque Country, J.A. Aguirre, indicated the idea of liberty as the basis of nationalism. However, due to the fact that in his perception the idea of liberty was based on universality, such an approach indeed brought the ideas of nationalism closer to transnationalism: the principle of liberty was applied to all nations, every nation has the right to freedom, “liberty is a universal patrimony” [9. P. 236]. There is a difference between nationality based on ethnicity and nationality based on citizenship. The former can be sacrificed for the sake of the latter, and the latter, in turn, is universally applicable. Basque nationality, according to J.A. Aguirre [9], is based precisely on the principle of universality, and not on exclusive particularism. Consequently, it can be argued that Basque transnationalism is not a new trend of the modern Basque government, since it has a period of historical development associated primarily with the middle of the XX century and the Basque government in exile during the Spanish Civil War and the First World War. J.A. Aguirre’s political views combined classical nationalist concepts (deepening self-government) and transnational ones (stable, regular cross-border interaction between people and institutions across the borders of nation-states [9. P. 160]). The existing paradox between the traditionalism of Basque nationalism (it developed as a protest against industrial and capitalist modernity, rejecting any external influence on Basque society due to the destructive impact on local values and customs INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION [9. P. 162]) and transnational practices (both the extensive experience of the Basques occupying significant positions during the colonization of the New World, and the transnational interaction of diasporas and the work of the Basque government in exile in the XX century) reveals the formation of a special form of Basque transnational nationalism. Similar to Aguirre’s idea of reforming the territorial structure of Europe is the concept of “Europe of the Regions”. The genesis of the EU has created new political and economic opportunities for the regions: “as the differing national legislations of the member states are replaced by “European law”, the regions of individual European countries commence to function in an increasingly similar and homogeneous legal field” [10. P. 200]. Basque nationalists regularly refer to this idea in one form or another to legitimize their demands, especially in relation to the desire to reform the Statute of the Basque Country. While resuming the debate on updating the Statute in 2021, the Government of the Basque Country submitted to the European Commission a proposal to strengthen the role of the regions in legislative powers and initiatives at the pan-European level [11]. A similar idea was a part of an earlier plan for reforming the Statute - the Ibarretxe plan. This plan advocated the consideration of the Basque Country not as a Spanish region, but as a European region existing on the rights of free association with Spain [12], since, according to the same plan, the Basques represent a European nation, not a Spanish one. In the recent debate on the reforms of the Statute of the Basque Country, the leaders of the autonomy insist on equal relations with another European nation - Spain: the basis is the demand for recognition of the Basques as a nation that can conduct an equal dialogue with the Spaniards. As a consequence, there is no longer a discussion about separatism, which is based on a nationalist desire to form a sovereign state, but about a postnational or transnational form of coexistence with other nations. The Basque nationalist narrative is adaptable and influenced by practice. The reactionary nationalism of the supporters of Sabino Arana (the founder of BNP) and subsequently ETA arose as a result of autonomous rights restriction by the Spanish state, its main goal was the return of these historic rights. Such rhetoric, generally, is still evident in the left-wing EH Bildu party, which poses the concept of the “right to decide” (el derecho a decidir) at the center of the new Statute discussion. Basque nationalists have repeatedly referred to this statement: for example, it was used in the declaration supporting the referendum in Catalonia in 2014 [13]. However, from a legal point of view [14], there is no such legal wording. Moreover, the interpretation of the term is not limited: both the right to be heard and the right to separate. Such wording is considered as a challenge to the Constitution [14]. The ruling Basque Nationalist Party rejects such harsh rhetoric and broadcasts the ideas of transnationalism, where two directions can be distinguished. The former, historically typical for Basque leaders, is the emphasis on cooperation and interaction with Basque diasporas abroad. This trend has become particularly relevant since the existence of the Basque government in exile in the 40s of the XX century. The latter is the promotion of the idea of equal regional cooperation in Europe within the framework of the concept of “Europe of the Regions”, which is actively supported by the Basque Government in the debate on the new Statute. According to one of the founders of nationalism studies, A.D. Smith, [16] nationalism may manifest itself in a variety of groups - be it a nation-state, a supranational entity or an ethnic group. This is a consequence of the lack of clear understanding of the term «nation». All nationalists strive for some kind of “normality” [16. P. 186]: a recognition, a voice in the UN, a historical, linguistic base and identity. Nationalism as a phenomenon develops during the existence of nation-states, but as a result of the processes of globalization and the emergence of regional blocs this trend leads to the development of internationalism as recognition of the nationalism of other national units. However, in such a paradigm, there is a clash of nationstates and subnational units, such as ethnic groups within sovereign territories. Consequently, nation-states face either the problem of Balkanization (splitting into smaller national units), or involvement in larger national and supranational units. Another consequence of globalization is the development of supranationalism as cosmopolitan tendency. This form tends to reduce the number of “nationalisms” within one territory, but leads to the emergence of supranational units [16. P. 194]. Subsequently, not a decrease in the number of problems, but the opposite trend can be observed: an increase in competing types of nationalism and a general increase in nationalist movements, which leads to excessive tension. The expansion of self-government of autonomous communities shall probably require a revision of the state model as a whole. The Basque request for the creation of a “federation of nations” [17. P. 207] has a historical character, as a democratic territorial model opposed to the unification that occurred under the Franco regime. The federalization of the state was proposed by the PSOE as one of the ways to solve the issue of nationalism. The ideas of federalism endure to be the points of the election campaign of the Socialists, but the wording changes moderately: federalism (federalismo) in 2015 [18], federal principles (principios federales) in early 2019 [19] and the state of autonomies (estado de las autonomías) in the latest election program with a tendency to strengthen self-government [20]. As for the foundations of self-government, the PSOE electoral programs refer to the Barcelona Declaration of 2017 (Declaración de Barcelona) and the Granada Declaration of 2013 (Declaración de Granada), which outlines the reasons for the need to reconsider the level of self-government for autonomous communities [21]: at the time of 1978, there was no European Union in its current form, there was no euro, no global economy, the global financial crisis, the current level of migration, etc. This leads to the conclusion that it is necessary to review and amend the Statutes of Autonomies. Thus, the current request from the Basque Country generally fits into the ideas of the program of the ruling Spanish party, but the question remains open: what is the future of self-government of autonomous communities? How will this affect the entire state as a whole? Is it possible to reform the territorial structure of Spain

About the authors

Yulia N. Frolova

The Herzen State Pedagogical University of Russia

Author for correspondence.
Email: frolovayuliya@yahoo.com
ORCID iD: 0000-0002-0743-6144

PhD in Political Science, Senior Lecturer of the Department of Political Science

48 Moyka Embankment, St. Petersburg, Russian Federation, 191186

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