Vol 16, No 4 (2016): Iran and India in the System of International Relations

The article shows that Indian-Arab relations are very complex and are affected by many positive and negative factors. From a political point of view, the Middle East does not rank high in the priorities of India’s modern foreign policy. In the bipolar period, India tried to strengthen ties with all developing countries with the aim of becoming a leader of the South. In this respect, the region (especially Egypt in the 1950-1970s) played a special role. Now India pays attention mainly to vital actors. Policy of non-interference in regional conflicts is typical for India. Delhi has focused on the developing of ties with the countries of the Persian Gulf, due mainly to economic reasons that are of primary importance to India. This subregion is a major supplier of hydrocarbons to India, that is extremely vital for further rapid economic growth of the country (oil and gas account for about a third of India’s imports). In addition to this, millions of Indian citizens live in the Persian Gulf, and India (due to them) has become the world leader by the volume of migrant remittances. The largest semi-peripheral countries, among which India should be mentioned particularly, began to play a special role in the new world system. However, the politics of balancing is characteristic for India both on global level as well as on regional one. But a real great power (and the desire to obtain such high status was always the main goal for an Asian giant) should demonstrate a clear vision of global and regional issues, play an active role and offer its own solution of different conflicts and contradictions.

The collapse of the USSR affected the Russian-Iranian relations, governed by bilateral agreements during several centuries. The emergence of “new” independent states in the region, such as Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, changed the geopolitical situation and put a question of the legal status of the Caspian Sea. Russian-Persian and Soviet-Iranian agreements had a centuries-old tradition but they did not draw up a legal status of the Caspian Sea or clarify the procedures of subsursafe management. Those agreements governed only laid down rules of navigation and fishery, without touching the issues of oil and gas field exploration, production and transportation, including pipelines on the floor of the Caspian Sea. It did not fit political and economic interests of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan and stimulate them to unilateral actions. Russia and Iran in turn insisted on saving the former rules and agreements. The absence of Convention on legal status of the Caspian Sea introduced uncertainty in the principles of oil and gas development and export, pushing Caspian countries toward making unilateral decisions. Russia and Iran kept close positions, insisting on following the former agreements. The other Caspian countries did not support that position and adopted a policy aimed at division of the Caspian Sea and asserting a certain control over its hydrocarbons. Close Russian and Iranian positions on legal status of the Caspian Sea became a strong deterrent for Caspian countries to let them divide the sea into national sectors and launch pipeline plans on the floor of the Caspian Sea. As the result Russian and Iranian relations had stabilizing effect in the Caspian region. At the same time, the Russian Federation aimed at following a flexible policy, taking into account the interests of the other Caspian countries. The settlement of the legal status of the Caspian Sea with Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan let Russia improve the relations with its neighbors but was not approved by Iran. Russian-Iranian relations were influenced by a profound effect of some western states, that imposed sanctions against Iran. Moreover, the fact that Iran was neglected when the export hydrocarbons routes were discussed and realized let new Caspian countries strengthen its positions. At the turn of 2015-2016 уears Russian-Iranian relations are on the rise, because of bilateral interest in solving regional issues and developing trade and credit agreements. Prospects of Russian-Iranian further cooperation will be determined by some key factors. There are Iranian energy policy, results of further multilateral negotiations on legal status of the Caspian Sea and the level of hydrocarbons production in “new” Caspian countries, that can strongly influence their international policies. All these factors will affect the further Russian-Iranian relations, because these two countries remain core players in the Caspian region.

Active growth of trade volume between India and Africa which has increased in twenty times since the beginning of the twenty-first century or in seventy times since 1991, certainly actualized a question of features of the modern Indo-African relations. In this regard the purpose of article is consideration of features of policy of India to the African countries. The author does the short historical review of the Indo-African relations, and considers key spheres of realization of modern regional strategy of India on the African continent - humanitarian projects, foreign trade and investments. The main methods of research are the comparative-historical approach and the statistical analysis, being used for identification of positive or negative dynamics of development of the Indo-African cooperation. Now the African region takes strategic significance for India. Rapid economic development of the African countries and increase in a standard of living of the population turn the continent into a perspective sales market of the Indian goods and services. Besides, India actively develops humanitarian projects and renders the financial help to many African countries. However, India faces set of problems and factors - geographical remoteness, the discrimination and racism, instability of political systems of many African countries and the African policy of China. The active economic policy of China on the African continent has compelled India to develop cooperation with the countries of Africa more actively. In recent years India also as well as China tries to make active and modernize the economic and humanitarian policy in Africa. Struggle for commodity markets of the goods and services in Africa makes Africa by strategic region not only in the Indo-Chinese relations, but in foreign policy of India as a whole.

In post-Soviet period Russia and Iran have experienced quite a few sharp turns in bilateral relations. Periods of active dialogue alternated with long pauses, signing of multibillion-dollar contracts was replaced by the prosecution of both parties in default of its obligations and commitments. Geopolitical interests in this case take precedence over economic ones. The article describes the role of the Iranian issue in Russian-US relations, both within the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission and concerning Iranian nuclear program. The question of the legal status of the Caspian Sea also affects bilateral relations. However, there are a number of objective factors that bring together country. Among them is a need to combat ethnic separatism as well as shock economic reforms started almost simultaneously in Russia and Iran in the early 1990s and led to an increase in social tension. Both countries are interested in maintaining peace and stability in the former Soviet republics of Central Asia, Caucasus and Afghanistan. In July 2005, Iran received observer status at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). With the return to the post of Russian president Vladimir Putin in 2012, there has been improvement in Russian-Iranian relations. There has been a number of positive trends in trade and economic relations, implementation of joint economic projects.

This article focuses on the two recently established multilateral development banks (MDBs) dominated by emerging economies: Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and New Development Bank (NDB). The authors explore the main economic and political incentives that lie behind the creation of these institutions, examine challenges and opportunities they are likely to face, and provide a forecast of their loan portfolios growth in the coming years. The forecast includes two scenarios: basic and optimistic, and is based on the analysis of NDB and AIIB differences from traditional banks, and potential benefits and challenges they can bring. The methodology used for assessment allows projecting the financial capacity of the two banks based on their announced shareholder capital and likely financial performance determined by membership, governance arrangements and other factors, and takes into account recent developments in both banks. Based on the forecast, the authors conclude that in ten years the new banks will be able to provide infrastructure financing at the level of traditional institutions working in the area. In order to develop in accordance with the optimistic scenario, the new banks should adhere to their basic alternative principles, but also rely on the experience of traditional banks in areas where they have proved their effectiveness. These include exchange of experience on selection of projects, social and environmental safeguards, and monitoring results. Apart from addressing the global infrastructure gap, the new banks could also stimulate traditional ones to reform their governance and change operational modalities and thus become more responsive to developing countries’ interests.

The formation of the «Arabian Axis» in the number of state coalition opposing the aggression of Saddam Hussein in Kuwait (1990-1991) is regarded in the article. Research methodology is based on the principles of four types of scientific knowledge: general scientific, historical, socio-scientific and problematic. The historical method, which is fundamental for the author, was used as a basis research approach to the phenomena formation and development, as well as the organic coherence of these facts and the conditions causing them. In the frame of this article author analyzes the causes, conditions of formation of “anti-Iraqi triangle” of Saudi Arabia - Egypt - Syria. The author concludes that the three members of the “Arab Axis” had many reasons to fear a dominant role and aggression of Iraq. In particular, in Syria S. Hussein confronted H. Assad, and Assad’s participation in the anti-Saddam coalition was completely predictable. Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak believed that the interests of his country will be threatened if Iraq starts to dominate the Middle East arena. Saddam Hussein was also potentially dangerous for the Saudi kingdom, because he considered himself the winner in the war with Iran.

Higher geological education in Russia and in MSGPI-RSGPU specific. It - engineering. The mineral deposits determine the development of the global industry and foreign trade. Growing global demand for the profession of geologists and mining engineers. Training of foreign students in Russia has its own geopolitical and economic importance. In Russia a strong resource-based economy. It attracts students from developing countries. MGRI-RSGPU is the leading universities training specialists for mining. The article presents data about the University and types of education. Shown scientific and educational problems in higher education. This article discusses the prospects for the promotion of Russian higher geological education at the world market of educational services. The increasing role of new scientific and technological achievements in mining, enhanced environmental as well as staff requirements is revealed. Given that the leading schools in the mining industry, in addition to Russia, are formed in Canada, Germany, USA, Australia, Great Britain, many developing countries rich in natural resources, have begun to form their own national centers for training in this area. Under such competitive conditions Russian geological education maintains its own niche. Recognition of this is the active participation of Russian universities in the creation and development of the World Forum of sustainable development of mineral universities (WFURS), described in the article. The main factors of competitiveness that led to leading positions of Russian State Geological Prospecting University in system of the Russian geological education are described. Particular attention is paid to the international activities of Russian higher educational institutions including Geological Prospecting University. The basic statistics (both in the context of the country, and in the field) of foreign undergraduate and graduate students enrolled at this university is provided. The article highlights the main problems and prospects of integration of the Russian geological education in the world market of educational services.