Vol 25, No 1 (2025): Traditional and Non-Traditional Security Threats in the Context of the Formation of a Multipolar World

The article focuses on the phenomenon of the ‘cult of security,’ which has not yet been adequately studied in international studies. The aim and novelty of the paper is to try to fill this gap and to theorize this phenomenon from the perspective of international politics. The key attention is paid to the issue of the origins of the security cult, which is associated with the process of widening of security in political practice and research literature. In the course of the study, the author applied constructivist and hermeneutic approaches, as well as historiographical analysis. The materials used include two areas of research that reflect the tendency towards widening of security: strategic studies and peace studies. The study concludes that the widening of security since the 1960s has unwittingly contributed to the emergence of a security cult in international politics. Its main feature is the gradual extension of security practices related to the reproduction and construction of social fears to all domains of human and social life. In the long run, the security measures taken further can exacerbate anxiety and conflict in international relations, leading to a further strengthening of these measures, the abolition of the basic principles of liberalism, and the transformation of excessive control into a part of everyday political life. In modern conditions, the cult of security consists of a number of interrelated trends: the widening of the security discourse, the intensification of global geopolitical contradictions, the mediatization of public policy and the activities of ‘security professionals.’ Taken together, these trends can have a long-term effect on the political life of modern societies, going beyond the current geopolitical confrontations. The article concludes with a number of examples of the manifestation of the cult of security in contemporary political practice. The author states the diversity of manifestations of this phenomenon in international life, as well as the need for further research on this subject.

The relevance of the study of Islamist terrorism is due to its destructive impact on national and global security, as well as on the dialogue between Western and Eastern, particularly Muslim, nations since the early 2000s. Islamist terrorism reinforces entrenched prejudices against Islam and Muslims, leading to their demonization and the subsequent prevention of constructive interaction between communities professing different religions, thus hindering the establishment of relations based on mutual trust. This study examines the number of terrorist attacks committed by Islamist groups and their victims between 2000 and 2020, and tests the methodology for scoring their terrorist activities. Based on the Global Terrorism Database and the author’s sample of 155 groups broadcasting Islamist ideology, three stages of the development of Islamist terrorism were identified, a direct proportional relationship between the number of terrorist attacks and the number of victims was proven, and the geography of Islamist terrorist activity was analyzed. Methodologically, this study combines the analysis of terrorism as both a political phenomenon and a religious manifestation, and Islamist terrorist groups themselves are seen as political projects masquerading as religiously motivated communities. In contrast to the destabilization of Iraq, which along with Afghanistan became another platform for training terrorists, the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, had little impact on Islamist terrorism. Quantitative analysis revealed that the Middle East and North Africa was mistakenly perceived as the “epicenter” of Islamist terrorism in 2000-2020, as Southeast Asia was the leader in terrorist attacks in 2000, while South Asia occupied 1st place in 2003, 2005-2013, and 2018-2020. It has been confirmed that instability at the local and national levels serves as a fertile ground for Islamist terrorism. The possibilities and limitations of the proposed methodology are outlined, and the prospects for its further application in scientific studies of Islamist terrorism are described.

The global monetary and financial system, as a form of organization of international monetary and financial relations, is designed to provide framework conditions for the unimpeded exchange of goods, services and capital between countries, in order to maintain sustainable economic growth. Currently, the functionality of the international currency standard is exposed to the influence of disintegration processes in the global economy and global finance, which are caused by the growth of geopolitical tensions. The purpose of the article is to identify and characterize the main institutional aspects of the fragmentation of the global monetary and financial system, taking into account their impact on the transformation of the global financial architecture. It is demonstrated that the geopolitical rivalry between the United States and China is caused by the desire to overcome their interdependence in the areas of global supply chains and the production of new-generation semiconductors, respectively. The article discusses the main trends that are currently characterizing the fragmentation of the global monetary and financial system, such as institutional dysfunctionality, the bloc confrontation between mature and emerging financial and economic centers, de-dollarization of international reserves and digitalization of international settlements. The article substantiates the influence of these trends on the transformation of the global financial architecture, which is manifested in the crisis of the institutional foundations of the global monetary and financial system and the chaotic reorganization of international monetary and financial relations under the influence of digitalization processes. The article identifies the reasons for the institutional dysfunctionality of the global monetary and financial system, including the decline in the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as a lender of last resort and the loss of state control over the growth of the money supply in the global economy. It also examines the factors explaining the motivation of central banks to diversify the structure of official foreign exchange reserves. Particular attention is paid to the problem of introducing central bank digital currencies as a method of counteracting the asymmetric use of the US dollar at the international level and as a way of improving international financial stability. It is concluded that changing the position of the US dollar in the global financial architecture, as a key international liquidity, depends on the efforts of the world’s majority countries in creating a systemic alternative to the current international monetary order based on advanced financial technologies.

By now, it has been widely acknowledged that the global processes of digitalization, which began approximately in the second quarter of the twentieth century, have led to a radical rethinking of the theoretical and methodological foundations of contemporary conflicts, as well as of political practice in the field of international security. The modern round of strategic competition, in which the post-Soviet space is one of the main arenas of international confrontation, is characterized by the widespread use of a complex of hybrid methods of influencing the enemy, in which information and psychological influence occupy a central place. The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) is currently the only mechanism for ensuring collective security in the post-Soviet space, therefore, the intensification of joint efforts of the member states in the field of ensuring collective information and psychological security is today one of the priorities of the organization’s activities. The aim of the present article is twofold: firstly, to identify the place and role of the information and psychological component in the collective security system at the CSTO level; and secondly, to formulate a theoretical and methodological platform for raising the political status of these issues on the agenda of the CSTO Parliamentary Assembly (CSTO PA) (in the coming years. In addition to the general scientific methodology (analysis, synthesis, induction, analogy), special methods and approaches (comparative analysis, content analysis, critical discourse analysis, document analysis, informational and non-functional approaches) were employed in the research. In addition to official documents, domestic and foreign scientific literature on the research topic, the author used working materials from meetings of the Expert Advisory Council at the CSTO PA, of which he is a member. The article provides a comprehensive perspective on the formation and isolation of the information and psychological components of collective security within the CSTO and, for the first time, an analysis of information and psychological security from the perspective of the current agenda of the CSTO PA. The role of the information factor in modern conditions of strategic competition is revealed. The theoretical contours of information and psychological security are defined, and the author’s definition of this concept is given. The information and psychological aspects of ensuring collective security at the CSTO level are investigated. The results of the analysis of issues related to the provision of information and psychological security in the current Program of Activities of the CSTO PA are presented. In 2025, the Program of Activities of the CSTO PA on the Approximation and Harmonization of National Legislation of the Member States for 2021-2025 is being completed. The conducted research contributes to the development of draft legislative initiatives for inclusion in the Program of Activities of the CSTO PA for 2026-2030.

At the Brussels Summit in 2021, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) heads of state and government endorsed the Climate Change and Security Action Plan, which, according to experts, sets an ambitious goal of transforming the alliance into a leading environmental security organization capable of developing adequate adaptation measures to reduce the security impacts of climate change. The article examines the main challenges that the alliance faces in implementing the two tracks of its climate policy. Despite the significant role of the alliance’s member countries in shaping the international climate agenda, the organization’s contribution to the global climate discourse has long remained limited. The article questions the effectiveness of the bloc’s actions in combating climate change; since they are they are aimed at adapting to climate change rather than mitigating its effects. Studying the potential for the use of renewable energy sources in NATO, the article concludes that the development of innovative technologies is inadequate, as are the infrastructural and logistical problems associated with their implementation. The alliance countries have expressed their intention to transition to sustainable energy and to cease their reliance on energy resources from Russia, which could potentially lead to an even greater dependence on supplies of rare earth metals from China. Based on the methods of qualitative and quantitative analysis, the article substantiates that the climate agenda does not correspond to the real actions of the bloc, as evidenced by the increase in military spending and arms supplies to Ukraine. New member countries of the alliance, Sweden and Finland, which are leading the implementation of the United Nations sustainable development goals, are also ready to increase their national greenhouse gas emissions through participation in NATO and increase defense spending in accordance with the requirements of the alliance. The author concludes that although NATO wants to become the first international military-political organization whose policy is aimed at reducing the impact of climate change on security, the actions and goals of the alliance continue to be controversial. The author further predicts an escalating call from international non-state actors for greater climate action within the alliance.

Irregular mass migrations are widely recognised as posing threats to both the personal security of participants and the national security of transit/destination countries. This article examines the threats to the stability and integrity of sending countries as a result of attempts to “regulate” migration from “outside,” when such interference is guided mainly by the interests of the third party. The present study examines the European Union’s (EU) involvement in the ‘normalisation’ of the Sub-Saharan Africa migration situation and argues that these activities have contributed to the crisis within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The deterioration of the political and economic situation in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, exacerbated by ECOWAS sanctions, has led to significant changes in inter-state relations and migration flows, creating new challenges to regional stability. Using a situational analysis, the authors concentrate on migration processes in Niger, where instability exacerbates existing problems. Nevertheless, both the EU and ECOWAS have imposed sanctions on Niger, including halting development assistance programs and suspending security cooperation. This paper argues that this has worsened the situation in a country already on the brink of economic disaster. Some European countries, such as Denmark and Italy, which remains the main arrival country for irregular migrants along the Mediterranean route, have suggested that cooperation with Niger should continue, as failure to do so could further complicate the migration situation in European countries. The paper concludes by charting several possible solutions to facilitate and manage regional mobility at this stage. It also argues that African countries need to build migration management regimes tailored to their own national interests. The European Union, for its part, needs to reconsider its position on prioritizing its own agenda in the region and recognize African countries as equal partners in the migration system.

This article examines the experiences of American trainees in the Soviet Union in the 1960s, within the framework of the Soviet-American academic exchange program implemented under the 1958 Lacy - Zarubin Agreement. The study is based on the analysis of ego-documents (memoirs and interviews of program participants), enabling an examination of the emotional and everyday aspects of American students’ stay in the USSR. The paper provides a detailed analysis of the trainees’ perceptions of Soviet daily life, including living conditions in dormitories, meal arrangements, shopping practices, and their overall impressions of Moscow’s urban environment. Particular attention is paid to interactions with Soviet students, who, contrary to the initial expectations of the American participants, showed little interest in ideological discussions but displayed an active curiosity about the everyday life of Americans. The study also addresses the challenges faced by American researchers when working in Soviet archives and libraries, including bureaucratic hurdles and limited access to materials. The article highlights the asymmetry in the exchange policies: while the American side predominantly sent humanities scholars, the Soviet participants were primarily representatives of the natural sciences. The study identifies a continuity with the model of the 1930s, when Soviet engineers absorbed American technological expertise. Methodologically, the research is grounded in approaches from the history of everyday life and the history of emotions, interpreting the subjectivity of the participants’ perceptions not as a limitation but as a valuable resource for understanding intercultural interaction during the Cold War. Despite the significant number of initiatives conducted under the USSR - USA Agreement on Exchanges in Science, Technology, Education, Culture, and other areas, including academic exchanges, the program failed to achieve its primary goal of rapprochement between the two regimes. However, the program contributed to the formation of a new generation of American Sovietologists who, like Sheila Filzpatrick, made significant contributions to the revision of traditional approaches to the study of Soviet history.

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