Vol 22, No 1 (2022): Eurasian Ideology and Eurasian Integration


The Global and the Nationally Distinctive in IR Theory

Tsygankov A.P., Tsygankov P.A.


The article examines the issue of the international and nationally distinctive, which has been the subject of a new “big debate” in the science of international relations in the last 15 years. The authors show that despite the dominance of “universalist” positions within the Western academic mainstream, their criticism continues to grow. In this regard, an interesting project of the global IR theory by A. Acharya and B. Buzan is being discussed. In our view, with all the positive features of this project, it is informed by the outdated West-centric view of the world. The declared consideration of non-Western intellectual, socio-cultural and historical traditions in the formation of a global view of the world does not contain an understanding of the concept of identity, which is replaced by the concepts of regions and multiple agents-participants. However, without such an understanding, neither the historical reconstruction of the global, nor the understanding of its social and intellectual roots is possible. Any theory contains multiple levels and is based on important politico-ideological assumptions, which are national, and not universal. Any theory, including international theory, is also a product of time, place and social relations. Such theory is based on local specifics and conditions. Scientific concepts cannot be developed only from one part of the culturally pluralist world. Therefore, a condition for such development should be a socio-cultural and political dialogue between scholars representing different countries and parts of the world. For Russia, this implies the need to understand its own historical and cultural conditions and mobilize its own intellectual capital in their examination and development of national IR theory.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):7-16
pages 7-16 views

The Ideological Foundations of Eurasian Economic Integration

Pantin V.I.


The article analyzes the significance of Eurasian ideology for modern economic integration, the reasons for its limited use in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), and the possibilities and prospects of adapting Eurasianism for the purposes of economic development and integration. Many international economic integration associations (e.g., the EU, USMCA, ASEAN) have a common or similar ideological and value-based foundation, which ensures stronger integration. The EAEU was initially established without a common, integrating ideological basis, although the first president of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev, suggested using Eurasianism as the ideology of integration. Sergey Glazyev also wrote about the importance of integrative ideology for the development of the EAEU. However, these attempts to introduce Eurasian ideology for a stronger integration were not supported by the rest of the EAEU countries. This was largely because most EAEU members, including Russia, were driven by short-term economic interests, forgetting about more important long-term, strategic goals. Moreover, there are important ideological divisions in society and in the political elites of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan - primarily the division between adherents of the ideology and practices of Western liberalism, oriented toward EU integration, and supporters of an ideology close to Eurasianism and defense of traditional values, oriented toward the development of integration in the Eurasian space. The reproduction of such divisions in the EAEU countries, as well as the absence or weak development of an integrative ideology, largely determines the inconsistent and not always effective integration in the EAEU. Eurasianism can become an integrative ideology, which, if developed and adapted to modern realities, can ensure a stronger economic integration. This requires overcoming illusions about the possibility of integration of Russia and other post-Soviet countries into the EU, pursuing an active information policy in the Eurasian countries, showing the commonality of geopolitical and economic interests of EAEU countries and the opposition of these interests to those of the USA. Eurasianism can effectively counter the threat of ethnic nationalism in the EAEU countries by emphasizing Eurasian integration as a necessary condition for preserving the sovereignty of Eurasian countries, their traditional values, and the combination of tradition and innovation.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):17-29
pages 17-29 views

Eurasianism, Eurasian Economic Union and Multipolarity: Assessments of Foreign Experts

Bazavluk S.V., Kurylev K.P., Savin L.V.


Eurasianism, in its various interpretations, from ideology to the implementation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) programs, is regarded as one of the strategies of creating a multipolar world order. This article analyzes the views and assessments of foreign authors regarding the relationship between Eurasianism and the EAEU amid the changing international context. The authors present both critical and positive opinions on Eurasianism, Eurasian integration and its political and economic interlinkages with other countries and associations (China, Vietnam, the European Union (EU), Latin America). Thus, we identify three main lines of assessments on Eurasianism and Eurasian integration. The first includes negative assessments ranging from characterizing Eurasianism and the EAEU as a threat to the EU, the US, and the West in general to deliberate misinformation about the Eurasian ideology, for instance, denoting Eurasianism as “parafascism.” The second comprises more pragmatic and balanced views, with an emphasis on economic cooperation, which may imply cooperation with the EAEU and acceptance of the Eurasian integration if specific conditions are met, or cessation of such cooperation. The third group includes positive assessments and emphasizes the need for more intensive interaction between the EAEU and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. Such views are generally held by Russian and Chinese authors. Non-Russian conceptions of Eurasianism that gained popularity in Turkey or Kazakhstan are ideologically close to the classic Eurasianism and the EAEU, although these conceptions take a distinctive national shape. The article provides some examples of interregional cooperation promoted by the EAEU within the BRICS under the “outreach” model, i.e., adding new dimensions to existing cooperation formats. The authors arrive at a conclusion that most often the assessments of Eurasian integration and cooperation proposals by foreign experts are tied to Russian foreign policy (or experts’ opinion of it). They often find interconnections between EAEU, Eurasianism and Russian policy, which emphasize Russian identity as a marker of distinctive civilization. The article also notes comments of Russian authors on the EAEU - EU relations. The research is based on comparative analysis of analytical and research publications on the subject.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):30-42
pages 30-42 views

Eurasian Structuralism

Shabaga A.V.


The article examines the socio-political consequences of the structural-linguistic concepts of N.P. Trubetskoy and R.O. Jacobson, as well as the structural-geographical theory of P.N. Savitsky. These scientists, who were the pioneers of the structuralism of the twentieth century, were at the same time the founders of the Eurasian movement, which tried to compete with the Bolshevik doctrine in 1920-1930s. The sociolinguistic principle of “linguistic unions” and the morphological concept postulated by N.S. Trubetskoy became the basis for the semantic picture of the Eurasian space proposed by R.O. Jacobson, which resulted in a socio-political development construct that has not exhausted its potential so far. The morphological and phonological approaches of these two linguists were supported by the structural-geographical concept of P.N. Savitsky, who showed the prerequisites for the emergence of a Eurasian community not only at the linguistic, but also at the geographical and economic levels. Linguists pointed to the connection between language and thinking, which forms the idea of extant and due, which gave arguments for the assertion of the axiological proximity of the Eurasian peoples. Geographer P.N. Savitsky confirmed these conclusions with his research on the formation of the economic kinship of the population of Eurasia on the basis of a single space. Using these concepts, Russian structuralists created a socio-political doctrine about the special role of Eurasia, its separate path, opposite to the western direction of development. Applying certain provisions of F. de Saussure, the founders of Eurasianism created the teleological syntagma ideocracy - demotia - soviet, which determined the structure of the Eurasian socio-political space. The combination of elements of the Eurasian structure is interpreted collinearly of the triad proposed by F. de Saussure langage - langue - parole. The ideocratic system, verified by demotia, determines the activities of the soviets. It follows from this that the teleological syntagma of the Eurasianists, ideocracy - demotia - soviet, was the antithesis of the Bolshevik syntagma communism - Soviet authority - soviet. Ideocracy here is the opposition to communism, and demotia is opposition to Soviet authority. Thus, the structure of the Eurasian state was finally determined. Ideocracy was understood by the Eurasians as a political system, demotia, as a way of social control of the system, and in this case soviets were supposed to become an instrument of self-government, uniting the structure of the Eurasian state from top to bottom.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):43-59
pages 43-59 views

Genesis of the Eurasian Idea and Eurasian Practice in the Republic of Kazakhstan

Vakhshiteh A., Lapenko M.V., Mukasheva A.


The idea of creating the Eurasian Union belongs to the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev. Until 2011, this initiative was popular in the academic and expert community of Kazakhstan. There has been a groundswell of support. It was partially embodied in the foundation of such regional organizations as the Eurasian Economic Community, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Collective Security Treaty Organization. Astana has lost leadership in promoting Eurasian integration since 2011. Although Kazakhstan is an active participant in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the initiative is gradually being transferred to the Russian Federation. This article is devoted to the analysis of the genesis of the Eurasian idea and Eurasian practice in Kazakhstan, highlighting the qualitative stages in the dissemination of the ideas of Eurasianism and Eurasian integration in Kazakhstan. Comparative analysis, event analysis, political monitoring and process of tracking were used in the article. The authors conclude that the ideological content of Eurasianism in Kazakhstan has undergone a certain genesis and has almost exhausted itself at this stage. Kazakhstan has now taken a stand on rigid economic determinism in the implementation of the EAEU project and has moved away from the broad set of tasks of Eurasian integration, as originally presented by N. Nazarbayev. This is largely due to the internal political development of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the changes in the ethnic composition of the population, the arrival of a new generation of managers, the beginning of a new stage in the formation of a national state and nation-building, which are reflected in new conceptual documents and national programs. At the same time, it was Eurasianism that corresponded to the specifics of Kazakhstani society and contributed to interethnic interaction and harmony, just as at this stage, Eurasian integration helps to preserve Kazakhstan’s sovereignty and strengthen its position in the system of global economic relations. However, there is a significant conceptual and semantic gap in understanding the essence of Eurasianism and the current practice of building a sustainable Eurasian integration core, an active participant of which Kazakhstan could become.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):60-76
pages 60-76 views

The Eurasian Component in the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Belarus, 1991-2021

Tsikhamirau A.V.


The article discloses the essence and features of the Eurasian component in the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus. The scientific novelty of the article lies in revealing the role and place of the Eurasian component in the foreign policy strategy of the Belarusian state at two levels - the Eurasian space as a whole and individual states belonging to this space. Using the tools of neoclassical realism, linking the implementation of the foreign policy process with the state of development of the state, and the theory of foreign policy analysis, the author comes to the conclusion about the increasing importance of the Eurasian component in the foreign policy of Belarus in the second half of the 1990s and the first two decades of the 21st century. According to the author, the course for the development of cooperation between the Republic of Belarus and the Eurasian states was predetermined by its economic interests, although a certain role in its implementation was played by political guidelines of the Belarusian leadership (maintaining stability in the Belarusian state, reinforcing the thesis of the effectiveness of a multi-vector foreign policy, expanding the range of communication in the world arena). A specific feature of the Belarusian Eurasian policy was the absence of a fundamental conceptualization of actions in this direction and the prevalence of situational solutions in building relations with individual Eurasian states. Until the early 2020s, the Eurasian region was considered by the Belarusian authorities and experts mainly in functional and geographical terms, without being perceived as a distinctive civilizational association. At the current stage of development of the Belarusian state, its key partners in Eurasia are Russia, relations with which are being built within the framework of integration associations (the Union State, the EAEU, the CSTO), and China, which is promoting the Belt and Road initiative. However, conceptually, the issue of Belarus’ geostrategic positioning in Eurasia still needs to be finalized.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):77-93
pages 77-93 views

Comparative Analysis of the EAEU and the EU Common Labour Markets

Rakhimov K.K., Azizova A.B.


The embodiment of the pragmatic school of the 100 years old Eurasianism movement - the Eurasian Economic Union - took inspiration from the European Union to create a single internal market. Hence, the EU and the EAEU both aim to liberalize economic relations between their member states despite their fundamentally distinct histories and development levels. Both unions have achieved some degree of success in establishing the common labour market. As the integration process continues in the context of the global pandemic there are new barriers to abolish. This article examines the European Union (EU) and Eurasian Economic Union’s (EAEU) major accomplishments and challenges in establishing a single labour market. The research used a systematic approach to outline two regional labour markets’ policy context and mechanisms. Comparative analysis is used to highlight the similarities and differences of the EAEU and EU’s practice and current challenges in the framework of the single labour market. We found that despite the similar concept and legal basis the practice of a common labour market is distinctive. We have identified the similarities and differences in challenges the unions are facing currently. They vary from individual to global, including linguistic and cultural barriers, skill gaps, aging population, socioeconomic inequalities, etc. We conclude that the ongoing global pandemic has exposed and further aggravated the existing problems for both unions, which requires revisiting and enhancing the legal basis and creating more favorable conditions for migrants, for instance, better social protection.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):94-110
pages 94-110 views

Turkey and the Eurasian Integration: Ideology or Pragmatism?

Erşen E.


While Eurasianism as a political ideology has made a remarkable comeback to the Russian political scene following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, it has also attracted considerable interest among Turkish political and intellectual circles since the early 1990s. Yet, Eurasianism in the Turkish context has acquired different ideological meanings in time. In this regard, it is possible to highlight two main strands of Eurasianism in Turkey: one focusing on the prospects for advanced integration between Turkey and the Turkic republics of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and other concentrating on Turkey’s strategic cooperation with Russia and China as an alternative to its long-standing ties with the West. While the first approach mainly appeals to nationalist-conservative groups in Turkey, the second is supported by the so-called national-patriotic groups. The article aims to discuss Turkey’s role in two Eurasia-based international organizations - the Organization of Turkic States and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization - as they respectively correspond to the two versions of Eurasianism in Turkey. By analyzing the Turkish governments’ policies towards these two organizations, it would also be possible to reveal the influence of Eurasianism as an ideology on Ankara’s official approach to the idea of Eurasian integration, in which pragmatic political and economic concerns play an equally important role.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):111-125
pages 111-125 views

Eurasian Connectivity: Interests of Regional and Great Powers

Khan S.


This article analyses the structure of trading networks in Eurasia and raises important questions on the relationship between these networks and the geopolitical contexts they navigate. Obviously, the geopolitical ambitions of multiple nation-states directly affect the lives and activities of the traders. Besides, nation-states also seek to instrumentally use the trading networks and communities that operate across their territories in order to expand their geopolitical reach and influence. The ultimate goal of these efforts is to dismantle trade barriers among regional players and invigorate intra-regional trade and investments in such a spirit that it would serve their interests. This leaves researchers and analysts wondering whether there is a need for connectivity in Eurasia and how it can be achieved. Which countries are participating in these projects, and what strategies have they adopted? In this article, the author answers the above questions with the help of the relevant maps reflecting the geopolitical interests of major powers and trade statistical reports. The author analyses the institutional arrangements and frameworks created by regional and great powers of Eurasia with special focus on the ambitions of Russia, the European Union, China, Central Asian states, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, and India. Neighboring states may take up an interest in developing overland and maritime trade routes. However, to unlock the potential of regional economic cooperation there are conditions to fulfill, such as favorable economic context and political circumstances or the decision by the governments striving to unlock the potential of their economies through cooperation with the neighbors. Naturally, the Eurasian space has room for most players to participate rather than be self-sufficient, with all of them standing to benefit from increased connectivity. Thus, this article offers a broad note on connectivity issues in Eurasia, which denotes physical and non-physical linkages between continental geographies, polities, economies, and populations. Despite the potential benefits of securing a higher level of connectivity in Eurasia, related initiatives have become a competitive factor. Eurasian powers, both great and regional, have made no secret of their goals to reshape regional and continental integration in accordance with their interests.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):126-141
pages 126-141 views


Eurasianism as a Non-Western Episteme for Russian Humanities: Interview with Alexander G. Dugin, Dr. of Sc. (Political Sciences, Social Sciences), Professor, Leader of the International Eurasian Movement. Interviewed by M.A. Barannik

Dugin A.G.


Alexander Gelyevich Dugin is a Soviet and Russian philosopher, political scientist, sociologist, theorist, PhD in philosophy, Dr. of Sc. (Political Sciences, Social Sciences), professor, leader of the International Eurasian Movement. He is Professor Emeritus at Eurasian National University named after L.N. Gumilev and Tehran University, visiting Professor at Southern Federal University, Senior Research Fellow at Fudan University (Shanghai). Alexander G. Dugin is the author of a number of journalistic publications, as well as scientific articles and textbooks on geopolitics and international relations, theory of a multipolar world. He has served as editor-in-chief of the “EON” publishing center, “Dear Angel” publishing house, and the journal “Elements.” Since 1991, he has been the Chairman of the historical-religious Association “Arktogeya.” From 1997 to 1999, he was the author and host of the program “Geopolitical Review” (Radio Free Russia). In 1998-2003, an advisor to the Chairman of the Russian State Duma. Since 2001, Chairman of the Political Council (leader) of the All-Russian Socio-Political Movement “Eurasia.” In 2008 to 2014, Professor, Head of the Department of Sociology of International Relations, Director of the Center for Conservative Research at the Faculty of Sociology at Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov. In 2016-2017, editor-in-chief of “Tsargrad” TV channel. In his interview, Alexander G. Dugin discusses the concept of Eurasianism, its main schools, directions and representatives. Particular attention is paid to the influence of Eurasianism on Russia’s foreign policy and the strategic partnership between Russia and China. The interview deals with the specifics of Eurasian studies in Kazakhstan and Turkey. The leader of the International Eurasian Movement emphasizes that multipolarity is accompanied by the presence of both external and internal poles.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):142-152
pages 142-152 views


Searching for an Economic Basis for the Indo-Pacific: Evolution of India’s Approaches

Kupriyanov A.V.


The article is devoted to an analysis of India’s attempts to form an economic basis for its flagship foreign policy initiative - the concept of the Indo-Pacific. The author, using a multidimensional approach based on critical theory, historical sociology of international relations, the strategic culture approach and spatial approach, examines the evolution of the economic system of the Indo-Pacific in a historical perspective. India has historically played a key role in the system. So the Indian political elites believe that it has to be the regional hegemon. The rapid growth of the Indian economy at the beginning of the 21st century allowed New Delhi to start implementing its ambitions. The growth of neighboring China and its expansion into traditional Indian spheres of influence forced India to intensify the Indo-Pacific policy. Possible options for building the economic basis of the Indo-Pacific have been consistently explored in the article. The author highlights the economic mega blocs (TPP and RCEP), which India refused to join due to concerns about its economy; sub-regional trade and economic blocs and initiatives (SAARC, BIMSTEK, SAGAR, AAGC), local and relatively weak for providing the economic basis of the mega-region on their basis; finally, the latest infrastructure projects (Blue Dots Network, Build Back Better World), in which India is still hesitant to participate, not being sure of their effectiveness and fearing excessive involvement in anti-Chinese projects. The author concludes that India can either join Western infrastructure initiatives, or try to build an economic basis for the Indo-Pacific on a set of sub-regional initiatives. In the latter case, Russia could play an important role by implementing bilateral projects with India and participating in multilateral ones.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):153-165
pages 153-165 views


Developing Financial Integration with the Introduction of Financial Technologies in the Eurasian Economic Union Countries

Golodova Z.G., Grechkin N.V.


The global economic crisis of 2008-2009 and all subsequent crisis “waves” revealed the need to deepen regional integration processes in order to mitigate the consequences of crises and prevent future financial shocks. This aspect seems significant even for the European Union, which has already achieved a high level of financial integration due to the introduction of a single currency and the establishment of the European Central Bank. However, this problem is even more topical for countries with a significantly less developed level of integration, including the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The positive effect of financial integration is largely due to financial globalization and digitization of the economy, fintech development, which is a transformative mechanism for coordinating fiscal and monetary policy instruments in financial services, as well as removing barriers to cross-border financial transactions. The purpose of the study is to uncover the prerequisites and trends of financial integration of the EAEU countries amid rapid fintech development and application. The possibilities of its use are revealed by blockchain, Big Data, artificial intelligence, crowdfunding, which can contribute to optimizing customer service, asset management of financial institutions in the domestic market, simplify and increase the speed of information exchange between financial institutions of different countries and the VAT refund process, increase investment flows, develop previously unused business lines, create collective projects and, as a result, contribute to further financial integration and mutually beneficial cooperation. The methodology of the study is based on the synthesis of comparative, structural, expert opinions and statistical analysis methods. Regulatory legal acts of the EAEU and individual countries of the alliance, reports and analytical materials of the Eurasian Economic Commission (EEC) and central banks of the EAEU countries served as the primary sources of the research. It has been revealed that the introduction of fintech in most of the analyzed countries outpaces the formation of the legal basis. At the same time, it was found that the spread of fintech can assist the implementation of all measures outlined by the Concept of Forming a Common Financial Market of the EAEU countries. Owing to Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia, which are more “advanced” in fintech, Armenia and Kyrgyz Republic have the opportunity to achieve a competitive level in this area in a shorter time.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):166-179
pages 166-179 views

China and Gulf Cooperation Council Countries: From Economic Deals to Strategic Partnerships

Savicheva E.M., Brebdane A.M., Ryzhov I.V.


The Middle East in general and the Persian Gulf sub-region in particular are becoming increasingly strategic for China. The sub-region is not only rich in natural resources, primarily energy, and to a large extent provides them to the dynamically developing Chinese economy, but also opens up access to main global maritime and land routes, as well as African and European markets. The study focuses on China’s interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in the field of energy, trade, and investment in the context of growing economic interdependence that elevates Beijing’s relations with the Arab countries of the sub-region to the level of strategic partnership. Thus, China’s relations with this group of states go beyond purely economic interests and affect the strategic interests of Beijing, such as active promotion of the large-scale “Belt and Road Initiative,” which implies the intensification of China’s policy in the Middle East. The methodological basis of the study is an interdisciplinary approach. The authors adhere to the neorealism, particularly the theory of the balance of power and regional security complexes, the principle according to which the foreign policy of a state is heavily dictated by the logic of the international system and the distribution of power among states. The power transit theory allows us to understand better the current role of China becoming a superpower in world politics. The research also applies such methods of historical science as chronological, genetic, systemic-structural, and comparative methods. The collection and processing of a significant layer of statistical data makes it possible to highlight the emergence of new powerful political actors in the Middle East.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):180-196
pages 180-196 views


Book review: Libman, A., & Vinokurov, E. (2021). One Eurasia or Many? Regional Interconnections and Connectivity Projects on the Eurasian Continent. Washington, D.C.: George Washington University, 133 p.

Elagin D.P.



Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):197-201
pages 197-201 views

Book review: Pizzolo, P. (2020). Eurasianism. An Ideology for the Multipolar World. Lanham: Lexington Books, 291 p.

Barannik M.A.



Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):202-204
pages 202-204 views

Book review: Stergiou, A. (2021). Greece’s Ostpolitik: Dealing with the “Devil”. Cham: Springer, 181 p.

Tasoulas A.



Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):205-207
pages 205-207 views

Book review: Yilmaz, S., & Yorulmaz, M. (Eds.). (2021). The Changing Perspectives and ‘New’ Geopolitics of the Caucasus in the 21st Century. Ankara: Astana Yayınları, 304 p.

Aghazada M.M., Butorov A.S.



Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):208-211
pages 208-211 views

Book review: Lomellini, V (Ed.). (2020). The Rise of Bolshevism and Its Impact on the Interwar International Order. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 200 p.

Bogomolov I.K.



Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2022;22(1):212-214
pages 212-214 views

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