Vol 26, No 3 (2024): Politics in the Black Sea-Caspian Region

The common viewpoint, widely shared in the academic literature, is that the role of the Black Sea, Caspian, and Central Asian regions is increasing and contributes to the dynamic development of the countries that are part of them. Indeed, amid global transformations taking place in the world, the position of these regions, as well as individual states, has changed significantly. However, the analysis of this issue is impossible without a profound assessment of the policies of extra-regional actors: their role in determining the development of the area and their influence on political and economic processes in individual states. The extra-regional actors have often shaped the essence of development taking place in the Black Sea, Caspian, and Central Asian regions along with the nature of intra-regional processes. In the meantime, external actors have consistently integrated the Caspian, Black Sea and Central Asian states into global political processes, logistic and energy projects. As a result, the countries of these zones were given a subordinate role. Although these states developed their own ambitious geopolitical projects and long-term development programs, nevertheless, the results of more than 30 years of development of the Black Sea, Caspian, and Central Asian regions point to their increased dependence not only on extra-regional actors but also on the processes taking place in global politics and economy. The system approach allowed the authors to determine the importance of the Black Sea, Caspian, and Central Asian regions for extra-regional actors, assess their contribution to world politics and global economy, to identify potential directions of their development.

These days the issues of geopolitical changes in the Eurasian space, which are closely related to the further development of the Eurasian integration process, have become particularly important. The object of the study was the political processes in Eurasia, including the problems of the formation of a multipolar world. In studying them, it was considered necessary to compare the experience of Russia’s advance to the east of the continent and current political and economic events. The work uses scientific works by domestic and foreign authors on the development of relations between the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation and the inhabitants of the Great Steppe, as well as new state entities that appeared after the collapse of the USSR. Historical, comparative analytical, transdisciplinary approaches, and other general scientific methods are used for the analysis. The results of the study were discussed at scientific conferences in the countries of Eurasia, at the Eurasian Scientific Forum in St. Petersburg. The analysis made it possible, based on the principle of historicism, to show the influence of political processes and events of the past on the foreign policy of modern political actors in the Central Asian region and their position towards Russia. Attention is drawn to the factors of increasing Russophobia sentiments among the new political elites, which seriously complicates interstate relations on the continent. Attention is paid to clarifying some concepts (for example, “Central Asia”), used in the modern political science lexicon. The presented materials and conclusions will contribute to the objectification of current research and expert assessments of political processes, political actors, changes in political realities in the Central Asian region, as well as the development of interstate, interethnic and interfaith relations here.

After the disintegration of the USSR, Uzbekistan pursued an active policy course in Central Asia, expecting to occupy a dominant position in the area. At the same time, Tashkent has been developing relations with extra-regional powers: Russia, the US, the EU and China. However, the lack of progress in building foreign policy contacts with extra-regional states led the country to reconsider its approaches to external strategy. Uzbekistan relied on solving regional problems and developing economic cooperation with neighboring states. However, Tashkent failed to build good-neighborly ties with other Central Asian countries. The situation changed after 2016, when Shavkat Mirziyoyev won the presidential elections. His coming to power led to an overhaul of the state’s foreign policy. Relations with the countries of Central Asia were restored, conflict issues with the nearest neighbors were resolved. In the following years, political, trade and economic contacts with Russia and Western countries were expanded. Tashkent began to pursue an active policy course in Central Asia. The article concludes that Uzbekistan’s foreign strategy is aimed at diversification of external policy contacts, participation in logistic and energy projects that can bring economic benefits. As a result, Uzbekistan’s current course of foreign affairs should strengthen the country’s position in Central Asia.

The Caspian region is a strategically important area in the world. Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Caspian Sea was divided between Iran and the USSR under an agreement. The article examines Iran’s foreign policy and security approach in the Caspian Sea, with a focus on the goals pursued by the Islamic Republic of Iran in this regard and the measures taken. The article uses the problem-chronological method, content analysis and event analysis. As a result, it was revealed that Iran pursued the goal of achieving an equal, from its point of view, distribution of the Caspian Sea waters, defending its point of view at the summits of the Caspian states, but the exact percentage of the waters belonging to Iran has not yet been determined, which largely determines the delay of the Iranian side in ratifying the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea. However, Iran is generally satisfied with the agreements reached with the Caspian countries in the field of security and the prevention of foreign military presence in the Caspian.

The development of social sciences in the post-Soviet space is perceived as a rather unexplored layer of knowledge, representing a whole range of problems that arise in societies in transition (starting from the educational system to the publication of specific academic works). From this perspective, the article is analyzing the case of development of social sciences in Armenia starting from 1991, when it received independence after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The article argues, that in the case of Armenia (as well as some post-communist societies), we can see a change in discourse with shifting the emphasis from the historiographical paradigm to the sociocultural or humanitarian one. The following situation arises: the existing theories of political science and international relations overlap with the realities of transitional societies crises of political development in the country. As a result they may not always give the necessary results, since the scientific community has not yet developed a specific approach in the context of the development of academic schools of thought and localized general theoretical approaches. Based on the above the article tests the main hypothesis, which is that the development of social sciences in Armenia is characterized by fragmentation or excessive obsession with specific issues of international relations. In terms of the development of political science in Armenia the article checks three domains: development of political science as a scientific discipline after the disintegration of the Soviet Union; teaching of political science and international relations; as well as the level of think tanks and expert community. The article concludes that despite a 30-year development process, political science in Armenia remains fragmented and needs, one the hand, more cooperation inside the field, and, on the other hand, more state support for better concentration and efficiency.

Geopolitical design as a process of developing and implementing political, economic, and military strategies targeted at strengthening the country’s position on the international arena is becoming an increasingly relevant tool for the formation and realization of states’ national interests. The purpose of this study is to identify the geopolitical determination of the foreign policy course of modern Romania. By using the historical method (conceptualization of geopolitical ideas), qualitative content analysis (National Defense Strategy 2020-2024) and discourse analysis, this article examines the theoretical and practical dimension of geopolitical projects, the emergence and development of which is associated with both Euro-Atlantic integration and the positioning of the state as a regional leader in the Eastern Europe. Special attention is paid to the consideration of foreign policy priorities and their reflection in the implementation of geopolitical aspirations. It is concluded that Romania’s desire to strengthen its position in the international arena is realized through integration into existing Euro-Atlantic geopolitical projects and the proposal of its own initiatives, and the idea of Moldova’s accession is still relevant, but has no real prospects in modern conditions.

In recent years there have been significant changes in the development of the area, which are associated with the aggravation of the geopolitical situation in the world, attempts of the West to put pressure on Russia to weaken its political and economic positions in the world. The conflict in Ukraine, in which the US and the EU are actively involved, has a huge impact on the situation in the Black Sea region. At the same time, such EU members as Romania and Bulgaria, that are also the Black Sea states, together with Turkey, are simultaneously NATO countries. This fact has led to a situation where the conflict potential in the Black Sea region has significantly increased. At the same time, the geopolitical axis Russia - Turkey has been established and continues to develop in the region. It has largely become a stabilizing factor in the area. The article concludes that the political process in the Black Sea zone is strongly influenced by the confrontation between Russia and the Western states.

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