The object of study of this article is the Eastern vector of modern Russian foreign policy; the subject determines its main directions, mechanisms, and tools. The authors rely on the theory of neorealism, which allows to consider the foreign policy of states as a desire to ensure their national interests. The authors used the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliability, which made it possible to study the prerequisites of Russia’s policy of turning to the East, to establish cause-and-effect relations and to identify regularities in the development of Russia’s international relations with the countries of the East. A systematic approach was used, as well as a number of general scientific (analysis, synthesis) and special historical methods of research: comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods. The study highlights the role of the Russian Foreign Minister Y.M. Primakov in Russia’s return to the East. It emphasizes that Primakov was not in favor of breaking off relations with European countries and the USA but sought to find a counterbalance to the pro-Western course of foreign policy in the 1990s and to build up relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region (APR). The article notes the difficulties Russia faces in implementing its Eastern policy, including the geographical remoteness from most APR countries, cold climate, the small population of the Far East, the underdeveloped infrastructure of the Far East, and the socio-cultural differences between Russia and the APR countries. But the course to strengthen Russia’s positions in the Asia-Pacific region is becoming a key foreign policy direction, a vital factor in the preservation and development of Russia as a developed industrial country. The paper analyzes the measures taken by the country’s leadership to involve the Russian economy in the integration processes in the Asia-Pacific region and considers the dynamics of Russia’s trade relations with the main partners in this region. It concludes that the policy of turning to the East has taken place, as its successes are obvious.

The relationship between Algeria and Russia is stronger than at any other time in history. While this may be true in most regards, the historical narratives help to decipher how the Algerian-Russian relationship has evolved to its current state. The problems of modern relations between Algeria and Russia are revealed. The relevance of the topic is linked to the fact that relations between the two countries have undergone a qualitative change in recent years, as military ties have expanded to include economic relations and investment cooperation, leading to a new dynamic in bilateral relations. With growing interdependence, the two countries are also paying attention to the policies of major powers, especially Western powers, and the traditional bilateral strategic cooperation is deepening to address new geostrategic challenges, which will largely determine their future direction. Under these circumstances, it is important to analyze the emerging geopolitical dynamics and determine its impact on the strategic aspects of the bilateral relations. This article aims to highlight the main developments in these relations and to emphasize their evolution in the era of geopolitical tensions. Methodologically, the study is based on political realism. The main sources of the analysis are materials of think tanks, speeches of official officials and others. The study shows what underlies the current cooperation between Algeria and Russia and how geopolitical dynamics affect it. Both countries see each other as important security partners in certain regions, such as North Africa and the Sahel, and as partners in more ambitious projects of a political and strategic nature.

The article examines the most acute problems and their solutions in the relations between the diplomats of the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR in Poland during the establishment of the Soviet Union (1921-1923). The relevance of the study is due to the introduction of recently declassified archival documents into the scientific discourse, as well as the growing interest in the topic in connection with the centennial of the creation of the USSR. The purpose of the study is to reveal the previously silenced facts and problems that accompanied the work of the foreign policy departments of the Soviet republics up to the rigid centralization and regulation of their activities, which occurred in the second half of 1923. So far, the issues of interaction between the diplomatic departments of the Soviet republics have remained virtually unexplored in the Russian historiography. At the same time, researchers in other post-Soviet countries are undoubtedly interested in the subject, which is limited by the materials of mainly local archives. The work is based on the methods of comparative historical analysis. The source base is based on the previously classified documents of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, in particular, the correspondence of the RSFSR plenipotentiary representation with the central office of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR in Moscow. As a result of the study, the author came to the conclusion that in 1921-1923 there were constant misunderstandings and conflict situations in the relations between the diplomatic missions of the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR operating in Warsaw. The higher officials in Moscow and Kharkov had to be constantly involved in their resolution. At the same time, it was not always possible to resolve disagreements and conflicts that arose promptly due to the lack of ready solutions in the specialized departments of the two republics. Many disagreements in the actions of Russian and Ukrainian diplomats reflected the numerous intra-party disputes over various issues of subordination and state structure that developed among the Bolsheviks who had won in Russia and Ukraine. The contradictions that arose, especially in the first stage of the establishment of diplomatic missions, were tried to be deepened and used for their own purposes by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

One of the key events affecting international relations is Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine. At the time of, Russia and Ukraine are in conflict. Russia started the military operation from a defensive point of view, standing against Ukraine joining NATO, which makes Russia’s borders more vulnerable to threats. The confrontation between the parties is taking place in all spheres, including the information space. In this case, it involves spreading fake news. Therefore, the authors rely on the dynamics of fake news in Indonesia on the topic of the Russian military operation in Ukraine. To conduct a qualitative study, the authors are based on data from the information platform TurnBackHoax.ID. A total of 71 samples of fake news were successfully collected and examined, leading to three important discoveries. Firstly, TikTok is one of the sources of dissemination of fake news in addition to international social networks banned in the Russian Federation. Secondly, fake news about the Russian conflict with Ukraine is not as popular as information about COVID-19. The reason for the unpopularity of this fake news is the geographical distance of Indonesia from the conflict zone. Finally, news consumers are still trapped in subjective assumptions and are not as critical in verifying information. This discovery allows relevant stakeholders to become more aware of new sources of fake news and to develop and improve their critical thinking skills.

This article examines the institutional development and evolution of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) from 2001 to the present day. The authors identify and characterize the stages and milestones of the organization’s development, while also examining the SCO’s regulatory framework and organizational structure. It is shown that the modern organizational structure of the SCO, formed through a process of long and contradictory evolution, includes a number of subsystems that, along with its fundamental principles of activity, ensure the SCO’s viability and development in the future. Indirect thematic content analysis of 120 official SCO documents shows the main trends of the SCO’s activities, the nature of the organization’s evolution and, ultimately, the stages of its institutional development. The first stage (2001-2004) is associated with the organization’s institutional formation, while the second stage (2004-2008) is characterized by intensive promotion and the minimal complexity of trade, economic, humanitarian and cultural initiatives. The third stage (2008-2014) shows a slight weakening of the impetus for the SCO’s development, while the fourth stage (since 2015) is associated with an attempt to bring the SCO to a qualitatively new level, demonstrating an increase in the efficiency of cooperation in all spheres. A quantitative content analysis of the frequency and dynamics of the use of representative keywords in one of the types of official documents of the SCO (declarations adopted following the summits of the heads of the member states) has made it possible to substantiate a thesis about the gradual complication, detailing, and specialization of the SCO’s activities, as well as to identify and characterize its priorities. In general, the content analysis shows that the SCO has gone through several stages in its development, characterized by qualitative specifics, while maintaining a clear priority on security issues, reflecting the significance of traditional and new threats. A conclusion is reached about the functioning of multilevel interaction on the SCO platform to ensure regional security and cooperation while simultaneously developing both multilateral (including with external actors) and bilateral formats: this indicates the formation of a new model of regionalism in an emerging multipolar world.

The Republic of Korea (ROK), due to its geographical proximity to the Russian Far East, has been a close and crucial economic partner of the region alongside other East Asian countries. The increasing of Western sanctions’ pressure and the intensification of Russia’s activation of the “Pivot to the East” will promote the development of cooperation with the Eastern countries, and the role of Eastern Russia is likely to increase, which will increase the role of Russia’s Far Eastern regions. In addition, Western sanctions will direct the country’s foreign policy towards import substitution. On the other hand, the relationship between trade and foreign direct investments (FDI), whether it is complementary or substitutive, is rather controversial and thus has long been debated by several scholars: each case study demonstrates a different result depending on the focus country, economic zones, study period, and so forth. In this sense, this study examines the impact of South Korean FDI in the Russian Far East on their bilateral exports and imports for the period Q2 2017 - Q3 2021. Ordinary least squares (OLS) and robust least squares regression analyses confirm that South Korean FDI stock in the Russian Far East promotes the Russian Far East’s imports from South Korea, while it shows no statistical significance in its exports to South Korea. In order to contribute to the economic growth of the Russian Far East and create win-win effects, the way South Korean companies invest in the Russian Far East should be reformed to localize their production process.

The article is devoted to the activities of Vladimir Frantsevich Stanis, the second rector of the Patrice Lumumba Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia. He was a charismatic leader who enjoyed enormous authority among his colleagues and made a huge contribution to the development of this unique university. The article outlines the main stages of the biography of V.F. Stanis, his difficult life path from the participation in the Great Patriotic War to the work in public offices, as a result of which he gained vast experience in organizational and managerial work. The authors pay special attention to the diverse activities of V.F. Stanis in the position of the rector of the Peoples’ Friendship University which he held for more than 20 years (from 1970 to 1993) and note that it was during this period that his scientific and pedagogical potential and leadership talent were fully revealed. It is emphasized that thanks to his work with the personnel V.F. Stanis managed to ensure the creation of prominent scientific and methodological schools in various fields at the Peoples’ Friendship University. At the same time, both in the USSR and abroad there became especially famous not only scientific schools of natural sciences and humanities, but also original methods of teaching Russian as a foreign language and foreign languages, including oriental ones developed by the university teaching staff. Moreover, the rector actively developed other areas of the university’s activities: international relations, extracurricular work, which required deep knowledge of the history of foreign countries and understanding of the current political situation in them. The authors show that thanks to his enormous dedication and careful attitude towards the staff and students, V.F. Stanis managed to create an international team of the Peoples’ Friendship University of many thousands.