Vol 15, No 4 (2015): Latin America in the 21st Century: Challenges and Prospects

The article shows that over the past decade and a half there have been significant changes in the international situation in Latin America, which affected all the main areas of external relations in the region. The interaction between the Latin American countries moved forward, which was reflected in the formation and development of new structures, such as UNASUR, ALBA, SELAC, and the Pacific Alliance. China has dramatically expanded its presence in the region, which was manifested in the growth of trade and Chinese investment, and the transition from the level of bilateral cooperation to multilateral format. The cooperation between Latin America and Russia has risen on a higher level, which was manifested in the expansion of trade and economic ties and collaboration of certain Latin American integration groupings with the EAEC. The new moments characterize relations with the US, which is clearly evident in US-Cuban relations. Latin American countries have stepped up dialogue with the European Union. All these factors combine to expand the range of external relations of Latin American and Caribbean countries and prove the changing role of Latin America in the system of global relations.

The article deals with the analysis of the challenges for the Latin American left-wing governments throughout the electoral campaigns of 2014-2015. Up to the moment these electoral campaigns and their results were not researched and analyzed in the scientific literature. However, it was not the only aim of the article. The authors consider necessary to explain how the achievements made by the Left-Wing political forces may affect and determine the general political situation and international panorama of the region. Consequently, the special attention is paid to the analysis of the electoral rallies in some key countries for the Left-Wing block as whole. These countries are Brazil, Uruguay, Chile and Salvador as they represent different patterns of Left-Wing turn in the region. As almost all of them form part of some Latin American subregional integration groups, the authors also make some prospects about the possible shifts in the system of international relations in the region as a consequence of these electoral campaigns. Within the marks of the article the authors analyze possible transformations of South American Common market (MERCOSUR) and the Bolivarian Alliance for Americas (ALBA) and explain how the results of elections of 2014 would affect the envolvement of some Leftist governments into these integration groups. According to authors’ criteria, the Pirric triumph in Salvador should inevitably put in question the plans of Salvadoran close envolvement into the ALBA. Additionally, the visible weakening of Leftist government in Brazil will bring the redetermining of its relationship with the USA and can also affect Brazil’s leading role in the Mercosur. The authors confront the statistical data and the results of elections with the known facts of political behavior of Left-Wing governments in respect of the economical and political integration and relationship with the USA, China and Russia. The main object of the research was to measure the priorities for the foreign policy of Uruguay, Salvador and Brazil with a purpose to conclude the shape of their future political and economical participation in blocs and groups. As the official political declarations not always correspond to the real behavior of many governments, we also often confront them with the political remarks made by some politicians and governmental officials trying to understand the authentic line of their foreign policy determined by different factors.

This article analyzes the new direction of foreign policy concept in modern Russia - its diaspora diplomacy focused on the use of resources of foreign nationals in the interest of the country of origin. As part of this new direction for the Russian foreign policy, the Russian diaspora, and if you take more widely - the Russian world, is viewed as a partner in expanding and strengthening the space of the Russian language and culture, promoting the interests of Russia as a country-metropolis abroad. The author shows that Russia has recognized this foreign part of the world as its compatriots associated with Russian historical, ethnic, cultural, linguistic and spiritual ties. A considerable part of the Russian world (almost 130 thousand people) currently resides in the territory of Latin America and the Caribbean states, with which over the past decade there has been significantly intensified the political, trade-economic, humanitarian and cultural cooperation. The aim of the article is to review the historical experience of the diaspora diplomacy, the subject of which in the twentieth century was the Russian diaspora in Latin America. In this regard, the task is to reveal the formation of the Russian diaspora in the continent throughout the twentieth century in the context of the history of emigration, connecting it with such important events of the Russian and world history as the Russian revolution of 1917, the Civil War, World War II and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The article provides the role of the Russian world of Latin American countries in establishing the space of a constructive dialogue between civilizations and numerous examples of peaceful integration of cultures of different ethnic groups. The author concludes that by promoting the cultural, linguistic and historical heritage as well as its own scientific, economic and human potential, the Russian diaspora in Latin America acts as a kind of agent-based resource for Russia as the country-metropolis. In this regard, it is evident that the development of cooperation of Russia with compatriots, including the practice of “network diplomacy” of the Russian-speaking diaspora, will contribute to the Russian presence in the humanitarian, cultural and information field in the region and will provide additional opportunities for strengthening Russia's position in the Ibero-American world on the whole.

This article analyzes the foreign policy of the leftist government of Uruguay at the beginning of the XXI century. Latin America is an important actor in the process of creating a multipolar world, and Uruguay becomes one of the political and economic centers of the continent. One of the important political processes in South America is a regional integration which has many forms. This article shows the main areas of Uruguay diplomacy in various integration formations of the region. Based on the analysis of the program of the third government of “Broad Front” article shows the goals and objectives of the country in the processes of regional integration, the problems and prospects of these processes. The author notes that the Government of Uruguay is looking for creating common political and economic institutions for the united Latin American continent. In the new political and economic conditions Uruguay becomes important partner for the BRICS countries as well as for the EU and the United States. The article shows the prospects for Uruguay in the BRICS in the context of changing the place of developing countries in the architecture of the global world, as well as in the context of the participation of ex-President Jose Mujica in the BRICS summit 2014. Currently, Uruguay is standing in front of a political choice, because the country has people who want the development of relations with the United States as economic partner and political center of the region. Also in Uruguay are supporters of the development of relations with the EU. The paper shows the tasks and objectives of Uruguay's foreign policy towards the US and the EU, as well as a place of Uruguay in the foreign policy of major actors of international relations. The article says the prospects for the foreign policy of Uruguay in the context of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2014, a new government and the conservation status of Uruguay as a country of “left turn” in terms of coming to power of right-wing forces and “drift right” in other developed countries in Latin America.

The article is devoted to the specificity of Venezuela's energy policy and the features of the evolution of its approaches to solving problems of energy security. Special attention is paid to the projects of Caracas in the energy sector which are aimed at the creating of common energy zone in Latin America. The author has revealed the interaction of internal political processes in Venezuela as the country's leader in the region, with its integration policy, and also identified trends in the further development of energy policy and strategy of Latin American countries. The research of energy resources of Latin America determined that the main factor that works in favor of convergence states within the South American "geopolitical ring" is to ensure energy security. Venezuela is among the richest resources of Latin America. In the research it was determined that Petrosur, Petrocaribe and Petroandina provide the basis for a range of bilateral agreements to promote cooperation, creation ventures based on the state oil companies of these states.

The article is devoted to the formation of foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Armenia and Georgia, and related processes in the South Caucasus in the 1990s. We consider their impact on the development of the Armenian-Georgian relations. The author draws attention to the key importance of the period, when the newly independent state, along with numerous internal problems, make decisions on matters of foreign policy. Also analyzes the factors of internal nature, affecting the bilateral relations in the framework of regional security. The author draws attention to the fact that the implementation of the military-political and economic projects there was a factor of manipulation on the part of the States concerned, that would lead to the division of the region into zones of influence. Special emphasis is placed also on the Georgian-Turkish relations in the region. In the military sphere, not only Georgia, but also aroused the interest of the Republic of Armenia from Turkey. This was due to the military presence of Russia in the region. Tbilisi integration into European and Euro-Atlantic organizations is a priority in its foreign policy, whereas in Armenia priority as previously considered Russia. Despite the differences in foreign policy, both countries understand and accept the importance of good neighborly relations in the region, which formed the basis of the bilateral cooperation between Georgia and the Republic of Armenia.

The article considers the formational processes of APR educational space and role of Russia in educational integration of the region. Participation of Russia in cooperation of Asia-Pacific countries in the higher education is studied. The author proves the formation of the new international polycultural educational region of Siberia and the Far East of Russia and the Northeast provinces of China, and investigates prerequisites of its formation. The author identifies the following prerequisites specificity of the modern education system in China, the similarity of the higher education systems of Russia and China, China's interest in the study and use the experience of Russia in the organization of higher education, the desire and the willingness of the Russian and Chinese counterparts to identify and solve the problems arising in the process of international educational cooperation, the strategic interest of Russia and China in the economic recovery and development of Siberia and the Russian Far East and north-eastern provinces of China. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Forum of rectors of higher educational institutions of the Far East and Siberia of Russia and north-eastern provinces of China. The author concludes that currently there are processes of convergence of the EHEA and educational area of APR. This can be illustrated by the initiative of establishing a bridge between the countries of the EHEA and the participating countries of the Tokyo Convention on the recognition, which was approved by the political and economic forum of European and Asian countries (Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM)).

This article examines the main approaches of the diplomatic relations of the Spanish and English colonies in America during the colonial period in relation with the Spanish Empire and British Empire. Also, the article describes the main political interests that had the European empires in America and the relationship that they had with Aboriginal peoples for more of 300 years. Thanks to these factors, the modern diplomatic services in Latin America have a diplomatic style that is different from any other region of the world. The diplomatic services of Latin America have a variety of ceremonies, protocols, tactics and strategies to establish political relations with other regions of the world. But, from the point of view of European, Asian and African diplomacy these activities are usually viewed as unconventional. However, the development of the foreign affairs agencies of Latin America have been the result of bloody stories that the invaders did it only to take the control. And thanks to these facts, the diplomatic institutions in Latin America are concerned, even today, to keep in memory these events because they are a good example of what a bad diplomacy can do. For other hand, the colonial era in Latin America is a good example of very poorly managed diplomatic decision thanks to the desire of conquest of the european empires. However, in the same time, the aboriginal peoples of South America achieved some diplomatic victories, at least with the crown of Spain. In the north of America, the aboriginal peoples don't achieved the same victories and they were virtually annihilated by their inabilities to negotiate. These events suggest that the Aboriginal peoples of Central and South American were better developed in political and diplomatic practices. Because they could negotiate weak, but vital peace agreements with the invaders what it helped protect the lives of millions of human beings.

The article considers activities of the former South African president Thabo Mbeki in the conflict resolution in Darfur (Sudan). Since 2009, the members of the African Union High Implementation Panel have played a key role in peace process in Sudan. This team under the leadership of Thabo Mbeki contributed to preparations for the presidential election in Sudan in 2010, as well as led the warring parties to the agreement on the security regime in the border zone. Particular attention is given to Mbeki’s mediation in establishing a dialogue between the rebels and the government of Sudan and to his diplomatic mission aimed at normalization of relations between Chad and Sudan. The article defines his role in reaching a peace agreement between Chad and Sudan in 2010 and signing of peace agreements in Doha between the government and rebel groups in 2011. The article analyses the difficulties of Thabo Mbeki’s mission in conflict resolution in Darfur.