Vol 17, No 4 (2017): Terrorism as a threat to international security

THEMATIC DOSSIER
SAUDI ARABIA: INTERIOR ORIGINS OF TERRORISM
Kosach G.G.
Abstract

The article is analyzing problems connected with formation of anti-system terroristic underground in Saudi Arabia as a direct result of religion’s liberation from State control. The main reason for this phenomenon was political alliance, which preserved its importance until nowadays, between the dynasty, represented by ruling family Al Saud and corps of Ulama, represented by descendents of Muham-mad Ibn Abdel Wahhab - family of Al ash-Sheikh. Internal conflicts of this alliance ultimately defined the appearance of opposition, which proclaimed the basic doctrines of Wahhabi version of Hanbali Islam, in the political arena and its transformation to the main enemy of present Saudi statehood. The author highlights the main periods of confrontation between Saudi power and anti-system opposition, which is applying to religious dogmatic. He describes rebels of Ikhwans in the 1920th, the capture of Haram al Sharif in Mecca by group of Al Uteibi in November 1979, the movement of stray sect in the end of 1990th - the beginning of 2000th and the terrorist activity in Saudi Arabia in recent period, which is associated by the Saudi power with ISIS. Using the methods of systemic analysis, the author concluded that the religious element, which is the base of Saudi political system represents a factor of opposition’s argumentation to prove the power’s neglecting its duties to conserve “the purity” of religious grassroots of the society and the state. This fact is important because the process of modernization, which is taking place in Saudi Arabia, causes the fall of official Ulama’s corps authority and appearance of oppositional Ulama, which legitimize the activity of terroristic groups, creating first of all from the originals of depressive regions of the country, and are inspired by ideology of ISIS.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):639-654
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“JABHAT AL-NUSRA” - TERRORIST ORGANIZATION AND PARTICIPANT OF SYRIAN CONFLICT
Krylov A.V.
Abstract

The article focuses on the history and evolution of the jihadist terrorist organization “Jab-hat al-Nusra” (“The Support Front for the People of the Levant”). It also reveals the ideological principals of the organization, its main goals and objectives and the methods used to achieve them. “Jabhat al-Nusra” was created as a branch of “Al Qaeda” in Syria. Subsequently, the organization changed its name twice. From July 2016 known as the “Jabhat Fateh al-Sham” (“The Liberation Front of the Levant”) and from January 2017 - as the “Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham” (“Organization for the Liberation of the Levant”. The replacement of the signboard was determined primarily by the fact that “Al-Nusra” had been designated as a terrorist organization in many countries around the world, including Russia. The main goals of “Jabhat al-Nusra” are follows: first - to overthrow the legitimate government of the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad; second - to create a Muslim Sunni state governed by the laws of Sharia on the territory of Syria. The article shows that now the front “Al-Nusra” is the most powerful military and political force among all political organizations and military groups of the Syrian opposition. “Al-Nusra” is actively trying to become a more respectable movement and persistently seeks to get rid of the image of a terrorist organization. The article reflects the official position of the Russian Federation toward “Jabhat al-Nusra”.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):655-668
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FEATURES OF THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM IN THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY AT THE PRESENT STAGE
Avatkov V.A.
Abstract

The subject of this study concentrates on the problematic of confronting modern Turkey with a terrorist threat. The nature of the subversive activities of combat groups in Turkey, the factors influ-encing the external environment and the internal political orientation, which have an impact on the counter-terrorism struggle in various regions of the Republic of Turkey, are considered in detail. In this work the author also touches upon the problem of transformation of the national protest counterculture in the context of the political course of the Justice and Development Party. The purpose of this study is to analyze the mechanisms and measures used by the entire institu-tional complex of the governmental bodies of the Turkish state at the present stage, whose functional, directly or indirectly, is focused around the task of combating terrorist threat. The use of institutional and system approaches promoted the achievement of the stated goal of the study and the successful resolution of the tasks assigned. As research methods, general and applied po-litical science principles were used, including content analysis of documents and synthesis of extracted information. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the range of measures and mechanisms used by the Turkish authorities to combat the terrorist and extremist element. A separate contribution to the development of the problems is presented by the structure of the profile law enforcement agencies responsible for the implementation of state tasks in this area and the classification of their functional responsibilities. This aspect of the research forms the basis for further development of the subject, for example, writing a comparative analysis of the work of Russian, American, European and Turkish approaches (at the institutional level) in the context of counter-terrorism activities. In addition, the focus of the study is the problem of using the mobilization of the Turkish population against the backdrop of combating the terrorist threat of the R.T. Erdogan regime to achieve their own narrowly focused interests, which can not always be called completely identical with the national ones. For example, the misuse of the “divided nation” factor (provoked by a false discourse about the associa-tion of a terrorist threat with the Kurdish problem in Turkey) as a mechanism for influencing the elec-torate in some election campaigns.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):669-683
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“THE JIHAD OF MACHETES”. CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES
Kotin I.Y.
Abstract

The aim of the research is to trace causes of the wave of terrorism in present day Bangladesh, to analyze the government’s response to it and to give possible scenarios of the further development of Bangladesh as the result of the clash between the government and radical Islamic terrorists. The research task is to make the monitoring of a press, the list of terrorist events and the list of victims and to analyze them. The main research method employed is historic one that puts all the events into the system of causes and consequences. The author finds the roots of present political instability in the ambiguous nature of Bangladesh and the conflict of the secular and the religious in its base. Bangladesh is the product of na-tionalist secession from the Islamic state of Pakistan while Pakistan is the result of Islamist secession from India. The author discusses numerous cases of terror in Bangladesh and attempts to give possible scenarios of political development in this South Asian country. The four most probable scenarios are the victory of the secular government, the change of the government and the domination of ‘mild Islamists’ in the new government, the Islamist victory and the new military coup that would suppress radical Islamists but also will suppress all legal political activity.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):684-696
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THE THREAT OF TERRORISM IN SOUTH-EAST ASIA
Rogozhina N.G.
Abstract

The article is dedicated to the analysis of ISIS impact on the evolution of jihadist movement in the countries of South-East Asia with implication for heightening the threat of terrorism in the region where 15% of the world Muslim population live and where long standing terrorist Islamite groups have been harboring a plan of creating a salafi caliphate for decades. The author explores the causes of vulnerability of Muslim countries of South-East Asia towards expansion of radical Islam ideology that creates prerequisites for involvement of local jihadists in the international terrorist movement with implica-tion for stability of the region. The formation of ISIS poses direct threat for security of countries of South-East Asia as it stimulates the intensification of activity of local extremist Islamic groups. They share the common position characterized by denial of democratic system of government that should be replaced by sharia governance. The attack on town Marawi (the South of the Philippines), conducted by local ex-tremists that support ISIS has become the warning for other countries of South East Asia of reinforced threat of regionalization and internalization of terrorism and of region becoming the new front of battle for ISIS planning to create its base there. The author analyses risks of growing interest of ISIS towards region where it conducts goal-directed activity aimed at expanding its social base and mobilizing its supporters while looking at the region as its main base for recruiting fighters in the context of promoting its strategy of export terrorism using “lone wolves”. For this purpose, ISIS applies different political instruments considering propaganda of jihad in Internet as the most effective way to exert ideological influence on local Muslim population. The author concludes that the formation of ISIS has resulted in renovation of terrorism in South-East Asia and emer-gence of different small terrorist cells, what leads to upgrading the level of terrorism threat in the region. The impact of ISIS on political situation in the region is displayed directly - by promoting extremism and reinforcing the threat of terrorism and indirectly - by intensifying the process of Islamic radicalization in the political development of Muslim countries of South-East Asia.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):697-709
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GERMAN PARTICIPATION IN THE STRUGGLE WITH THE INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM AT THE TERRITORY OF SOMALIA
Trunov P.O.
Abstract

Staying Somalia in a state of instability is a serious threat for the security of the international community, including countries and institutions of the West. At the modern period, its key element is the activity of the international terrorist structure Al Shabab. Germany and its EU partners face with the problem of the revitalization of Al Shabab terrorists. The methodological basis of the paper is the theories of armed conflicts resolution and the con-struction of armed forces (at the example of the Somalian national army). The key research methods are the event-analyses and the comparative analyses. The aim of the article is the research of the German approach to resolving the “Somali problem”. In this regard, the first task is to study the previous experience of Germany in counteracting with in-stability in Somalia in the 1990-s and since the late 2000-s. (in the framework of counteracting piracy). The second task, on the solution of which is paid the main attention in the article, is the research of complex usage by Germany of its political, military and economic tools for the weakening of Al Shabab. The article studies German participation in the EU mission for the reform of the security sector of Somali. At this base, the article concludes about the military participation of Germany in the struggle with the international terrorism. The article covers the course, problems and prospects of using the national army of Somalia for fighting against Al-Shabab in the south, as well as separatist currents in the northern part of the country. The paper researches German promotion in restoring the structures of power in the country and the process of federalization as the key direction of the stabilization in Somalia. The article covers the features of German economic participation in the decision of deep internal Somali problems, which mainly led to the appearance and strengthening of the Al Shabab positions. The research paper concludes about the measures, which are needed from Germany for the full de-feat of Al Shabab and future minimization of the terrorist threat from the Horn of Africa states for Ger-many and the EU.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):710-726
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CAMEROON FIGHTING BOKO HARAM
KOUMA J.G.
Abstract
This study proposes to retrace Boko Haram atrocities in Cameroon as well as the history of international cooperation against the Islamist sect since the declaration of the war against it in 2014. The principal internal counter-terrorist efforts are shown, including establishement of “Operational Com-mand” missions, partial reorganization of the territorial map of the army’s command, the expansion of defense policy at the subregional level and the gradual redefinition of military, the allocation of re-sources and tools adapted to these new missions. Cameroon engages in a process of multilateralization of the challenges of counter-terrorism coopera-tion, which gives a new dimension to the action of the defense and security forces as well as the multi-lateralization of the stakes of cooperation. The role of major powers and the countries of the subregion as well as the African Union and the United Nations is revealed. Cameroon is a traditional beneficiary of French military assistance. Counter-terrorist assistance also came from Russia, US, UK and Germany. The role of the Multinational Joint Task Force of Commission of the Lake Chad Basin (LCBC) is shown. The author also shows that the war against Boko Haram seems to produce exceptional results that force both admiration and criticism of the Cameroonian people and the international community. The case of criticism by the NGO Amnesty International is analysed in details.
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):727-737
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NETWORK CHARACTER OF INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM AND THE POSSIBILITY OF THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE RUSSIAN SOCIETY
Abramov A.V., Fedorchenko S.N., Kurylev K.P.
Abstract

The purpose of this article is to analyze the network of the mechanism of reproduction of international terrorism - the phenomenon of post-truth, strongly modifies the previous interpretation of the political, ethnic, religious, cultural and social, leading to the disappearance of the former meaning when it is important that people are truthful news report or not, and his active experience, discussion. Used as a methodology content analysis of online communities has confirmed the working hypothesis that, despite absenteeism and the atomization of society in modern countries, manifested by the rapid politicization of the communities the social networks of the Internet because of the undermining of public confidence in traditional political institutions - parties and Parliament. Terrorist recruiters use this trend to their advantage, warming the emotional state of the participants of social networks and sharpening their grievances and contradictions on various grounds. According to the authors, the terrorist propaganda about brotherhood and religious cosmopolitan society the modern state can be countered only by the ideology of patriotism. With the characteristic feature of patriotism should be its bearing on national sovereignty and a functioning state. However, the authors are analyzing methodological developments in the problem of Patriotic education in modern Russia, note that most of the proposed techniques do not consider the development of a network society and borrowed from the Soviet range: lectures, discussions, class hours, competitions of the show and songs, military-Patriotic fees, etc. The work concludes that the state is not paying attention to the mechanisms of Assembly of new political identities through social networks and are not involved in elementary political education through Internet communication, will be eliminated from the virtual environment and will not be able to build an effective protection of technologies of coups in the form of “color revolutions”.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):738-748
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PEACE AND SECURITY
INTERNATIONAL NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS (INGOs) IN THE EVENTS OF THE «ARAB SPRING» IN EGYPT: ROLE, MECHANISMS OF INTERFERENCE AND RESULTS
Shitova A.V.
Abstract

“Arab spring” has launched a process of large-scale political transformation of the countries in the North Africa and the Middle East. There are many “points of tension” in the region of North Africa, in which converge the political and economic interests of external actors, including international non-governmental organizations (INGOs). The lobbying of democratic values as opposed to clan interests led to the strengthening of the role of the West in relation to the state and public institutions of the North Africa and the Middle East. Moreover, academic community recognizes that currently INGOs actively participate in modern international relations, in internal policy of the countries where they perform their activities. Their actions have even more significant impact during the times when the political regimes change. This article aims to analyze the activities of INGOs before, during and after the change of H. Mubarak’s government in Egypt, under the governments of M. Mursi and A.F. As-Sisi (2010-2016 gg.). The article deals with several active INGOs of the “Arab Spring”, such as National Democratic Institute, International Republican Institute, Carter Center and other. The analysis of the activities of the above-mentioned INGO allows us to draw conclusions about their strategies, methods, and instruments of modern technologies facilitating the change of the political regime. The most common mechanisms of INGOs influence on political transition were participation in or-ganization of the electoral process, organization of election campaigns, seminars, consultations for civil society that promote the emergence of new potential political leaders. Great attention in this article is paid to the socio-economic situation in Egypt after the mass unrest. The author shows how the external forces behind foreign NGOs contributed to the political transition, and relates to the ambiguous results for population it has brought. Methodological basis of this study was system and comparative methods of analysis, event-analysis.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):749-759
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SPECIFICS OF GERMAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
Khannanova G.A.
Abstract

The article is devoted to an analysis of the main factors, determining German policy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). More active German military-technical engagement in the settlement of the crises in the region on the modern stage determines relevance of this article’s topic. Based on historical method, author considers the development of German foreign policy in the Arab world, examining the main aspects of the colonial policy of German empire on the threshold of the First and Second World Wars, as well as the prerequisites of the intensification of German-Arabic contacts in the period of Cold War. In accordance with the principals of system analysis Germany’s Middle East policy was investigated in complex, given geopolitical, economic and military aspects. Special emphasis is put on the problem of transformation of Middle East regional order as a factor of political instability. Notwithstanding the rea-sonableness of Germany’s standing for stable and predictable regional order, these goals were challenged owing to the fact that Germany benefits from the regional disorder in terms of increase of its influence. In reliance on the German goals in the Middle East and North Africa, mentioned in the Coalition Agreement of 2013, the author points out the priority of crisis management. At the same time the ethno-confessional conflict potential of the region meets the interests of German military-industrial complex. Increase of Germany’s export of weapons to the Arab states as well as neglecting the restrictions on export go to prove that Germany backs the armaments race in the Middle East. In this regard, German policy is characterized by “double standards” and inconsistency. These specifics can be explained by the ongoing process of Middle East policy shift and searching for new priorities on a long-term horizon. In the conclusion, the author analyzes the specifics and prospects of German policy in MENA region.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):760-769
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THE INFLUENCE OF EXTERNAL FACTORS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF SEPARATISM IN XINJIANG OF PRC
Mavlonova A.S.
Abstract

The article considers the important geostrategic position of Xinjiang, located at the in-tersection of foci of instability, at least having a common border with Afghanistan and Pakistan. The large-scale military conflict in the Middle East has definitely influenced the geostrategic posi-tion of Xinjiang. The analysis shows that the peculiarity of this conflict lies in the fact that it affects not only the political, but also the economic situation of Xinjiang. The aim of the study is to identify and analyze the main external factors that influence the activation of separatism in Xinjiang. As for the political aspect, the emergence of a new active force in the Middle East represented by ISIS creates certain risks for China, given the presence of radical young people, and the possibility of religious extremists from penetrating into its territory through Afghanistan and the Central Asian republics. China does not benefit from the prolonged destabilization of the political situation in Syria, the disintegration of the state or the victory of religious extremists. The author also comes to the conclusion that the military conflict in the Middle East can negatively affect the implementation of the project of the new Silk Road. Its starting point is Xinjiang. Successful implementation of the project will stimulate trade, economic and energy exchanges with the Central Asian republics and positively influence the stabilization of the situation in Xinjiang. But the problem lies in the fact that the road itself lies close to the Middle Eastern regions, where conflicts with the ISIS occur in the acute phase. The article also examines the US influence on the situation in Xinjiang and support for the Uyghur separatist movement. In the future, the Uyghur issue is more likely to be used by the Americans to weaken and gain concessions from China on various issues. This research is based on the principles of general scientific system and structural approaches, as well as structural and functional approaches; cultural-civilizational and logical methods in order to ensure the study of the problem in accordance with historical facts and realities of the issue under study.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):770-780
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BILATERIAL RELATIONS
RUSSIA RETURNS TO AFGHANISTAN: PROSPECTS OF BILATERAL ECONOMIC COOPERATION
Asef N.
Abstract

He article discusses the dynamics of the development of the economic situation in the Is-lamic Republic of Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001, and the current state and prospects of development of Russian-Afghan trade and economic relations. Russia and Afghanistan have a long history of cooperation. In the XX century, the Soviet Union provided economic assistance to Afghanistan, including the financing and construction of objects of industry and infrastructure, which are now in need of rehabili-tation and modernization. The accumulated experience of cooperation makes Russia may be one of the major players in Afghani-stan and participate in reconstruction of the country. The relevance of this article stems from the fact that at the present time in conditions of economic sanctions and the deterioration of relations with countries of the West, Russia intends to renew and develop relationships with long-term partners. Today Afghanistan is trying to recover from the devastating effects of years of civil war, and invite Russia to join this process. This means that Russia had a unique chance to return and gain a foothold in the market of Afghanistan, which will be an advantage for the development of cooperation between the two countries. The task of the article is analysis of the economic situation in Afghanistan, in order to study the possibilities of deepening and development of Russian-Afghan trade and economic cooperation. The analysis of Russian-Afghan relations showed that to date, despite the existence of certain problems faced by our country, the development of trade and economic relations is a promising direction of bilateral cooperation.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):781-792
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ISRAEL’S COOPERATION WITH EAST AFRICAN STATES IN SECURITY AND DEVELOPMENT DOMAINS: CASE OF KENYA
Khlebnikova L.R.
Abstract

In February 2016, the Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu declared Israel’s come-back to Africa and Africa’s comeback to Israel. He stressed that the Jewish State is ready to help African countries both in security and development domains. Netanyahu sees these domains, fighting the forces of terror and seizing the opportunities of tomorrow, as interrelated. Due to the recent Israel’s traditional partners’ grievances of Netanyahu’s unwillingness to make compromises on the Palestinian policy, Israeli government is looking toward extending the sphere of influence, adding new partners from Africa, Latin America and Asia. This paper examines the Israeli-Kenyan cooperation as an example of a successful partnership between the Middle Eastern country and the East Africa - its priority region. Special attention is paid to Israel’s military and non-military assistance to Kenya. For strengthening its national security, the Kenyan govern-ment is seeking to gain an access to Israeli military know-how and a vast Israeli counterterrorism expe-rience. Extending military cooperation with Israel, Kenya is also open to Israeli development innovations, especially in the field of agriculture and medicine. The Jewish state is trying to get some economic and trade preferences from Kenya, a diplomatic loyalty in the United Nations, and, finally, a support in de-terring Iran’s African ambitions. The aim of the study is an analysis of the contemporary Israeli-Kenyan cooperation in security and development domains. It was examined official documents of Israeli Foreign Ministry, Knesset and the Kenyan Parliament. The author concludes that to maintain a positive course, Israel and Kenya should con-tinue to deepen their cooperation demonstrating mutual respect for each other's national interests.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):793-806
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INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS
GERMANY G20 PRESIDENCY. THE TEST BY TRUMP
Larionova M.V.
Abstract

For almost ten years the G20 brings together the leaders of advanced countries and countries with emerging economy to govern shared challenges. Assessments of its role range from a very skeptical to a highly positive judgement. Nevertheless, the G20 remains a key forum for economic cooperation in the face of shifting values and powers, rising protectionism, environmental depletion and increasing anti-globalization. Each presidency is unique in its search for a balance between national priorities and partners’ interests in the process of charting agenda and forging collective decisions. High expectations of Ger-man G20 presidency were defined by internal and external factors. First, the demand for a response to the increasing challenges of de-globalization, economic inequality and climate change. Second, Germany’s unique potential to enhance G20 effectiveness and consolidate the forum’s role as a global public good sponsor due to the country’s economic power and diplomatic influence. The article reviews German G20 presidency priorities and outcomes in the context of internal and external challenges: the US 45th President’s position on international trade and climate, Brexit negotia-tions, national September parliamentary elections in Germany, the country’s significant and persistent current account surplus. The author claims that G20 has made substantial progress under German presi-dency. Geopolitical problems did not prevent the leaders from crafting decisions on key economic agenda issues. Six ministerial meetings were concluded by adoption of declarations, cooperation on digital economy and health was institutionalized, the leaders agreed 15 documents, including the Declaration and Action Plan on Countering Terrorism, and made more than 500 commitments. The summit hosted around 70 bilateral leaders’ meetings. Thus, despite divergences and tensions between G20 members, internal and external challenges, G20 laid the foundation for future agenda on the presidency priorities of digital economy, health and migration; advanced cooperation on core policy areas; agreed statements which allow to surmount pro-tectionist trends in international trade; consolidated G20 commitment to the Paris agreement implemen-tation; strengthened cooperation on energy sustainability and efficiency. To sum up G20 demonstrated resilience to new tests and confirmed its role as a key forum for economic cooperation.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):807-823
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RUSSIAN AND CHINESE SYSTEMS OF DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
Degterev D.A., Yan L., Trusova A.A.
Abstract

The subject of this study are the mechanisms of development cooperation both in the Rus-sian Federation and China. The authors carry out a comparative analysis of the regulatory bases of the two states in the sphere of development cooperation, organizational structures, conceptual apparatus, specifics of Russian and Chinese foreign aid. The methodological basis of this research is based on the principles of reliability and scientific objectivity. In the study methods of comparative-comparative analysis are applied. Strategic partnership between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China, including conjugation of the project of the Economic belt of the Silk Road and the Eurasian Economic Union, creates prerequisites for successful interaction of the two states in the field of international assistance to third countries. In the legislation of the PRC, there is a conceptual basis for official development assistance, it includes “White Books” and other political documents that establish the principles, goals and objectives, the mecha-nism for the implementation of China's external assistance. In the Russian Federation, there is a Concept of State Policy in the Sphere of International Development Assistance, which reflects the goals, objectives, principles for the implementation of development cooperation, but does not approve at the legislative level the mechanism for providing assistance. In both countries there is also no specialized government agency that would implement policies to promote development cooperation. It is rather a matter of a number of state bodies in the sphere of development cooperation, whose activities are to some extent coordinated on an interagency basis. The analysis of doctrinal and normative documents, as well as existing programs of development cooperation of the Russian Federation and the PRC, regional and sectoral priorities, makes it possible to develop recommendations on coordinating the efforts of the Russian Federation and the PRC in the field of promoting development cooperation, which will ultimately lead to an increase in the effectiveness of national programs of foreign aid.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):824-838
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HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
SOVIET^AMERICAN CONTRADICTIONS REGARDING KOREA (1944-1945)
Minkova K.V.
Abstract

The article examines the place of the Korean problem in Soviet-American relations of the first post-war years. It reveals the foundations of Soviet and American policy towards the “Korean ques-tion” and introduces two new actors that operated on the U.S. territory and played a significant role in shaping this policy. Stemming from principles of historicism and scientific objectivity, having carefully analyzed Soviet documents and compared them with those of the U.S., the author concludes that before the beginning of 1950, the Korean question has not been a top priority issue neither for Moscow nor for Washington. Both sides advocated the creation of an independent Korea (albeit with different goals and in their own unique un-derstanding of “independence”). At the same time, at the end of 1945, the Korean question became one of the issues that prevented the Yalta agreements becoming a reality. Like a number of other issues that were considered at the same time and did not receive the expected and rapid solution, the Korean problem was no longer perceived by the Allies as an autonomous one. The emergence of mutual misunderstanding and suspicion between the USSR and the United States was partly promoted by the actions of the future irst president of South Korea, Syngman Rhee, who sought to increase his political capital through ex-citing enmity between the Soviet Union and the United States. A certain role in them was played also by the head of the Sino-Korean People’s League Kilsoo Haan. The change in Soviet policy towards Korea, which became one of the main reasons for the outbreak of the Korean War, occurred only in the early 1950 and was the result of a dramatic change in the political situation in the world, which differed dramatically from that of the Yalta agreements.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):839-856
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INTERNATIONAL EDUCATIONAL COOPERATION
RUSSIAN-SINO COOPERATION IN EDUCATION
Efremova L.I.
Abstract

The author of the article, who is the chairman of the Russian part of the Russian-Chinese working group on interaction in the study and teaching of Russian and Chinese languages, the development of bilateral academic exchanges and scientific and technical cooperation of universities, analyzes the main directions of modern cooperation between Russian Federation and PRC in the field of education. The article also gives examples from the practice of cooperation between Russian universities and organizations and Chinese partners on coordinated areas, joint interaction in the studying and teaching Rus-sian and Chinese languages, the creation of associations of profile universities in Russia and China. The aim of this research is to identify the specifics of the practice of cooperation between the leading Russian and Chinese universities in the development and implementation of joint educational programs with the double diplomas. Separately, the current regulatory and legal framework of Russian-Chinese co-operation in the field of education is also analyzed. Author also considers the cooperation of the two countries in promoting Russian and Chinese lan-guages, the issues of studying the state languages of partner countries. A statistical analysis of the number of Chinese students studying in Russian universities, the number of partnership agreements and programs, the volume of the budget quota allocated for the training of Chinese students in Russian universities is also conducted. In general, the relevance of the article is due to the general tendency to expand cooperation between Russia and China in the field of education, in particular, within the framework of the priority project “Development of the export potential of the Russian education system”, within which China is one of the priority states, as well as Chinese students studying in different forms of training in Russian educational organizations should increase to 100,000 people. It seems that the article will attract the attention of heads of state and private organizations engaged in cooperation with China in education and science.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):857-865
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REVIEWS
REVIEW OF THE BOOK: Baldwin R.E. The Great Convergence: Information Technology and the New Globalization. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2016. - 344 p
Volgina N.A.
Abstract
REVIEW OF THE BOOK:
Baldwin R.E. The Great Convergence:
Information Technology and the New Globalization.
Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press
of Harvard University Press, 2016. — 344 p.
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):866-873
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REVIEW OF THE BOOK: Vinogradov A.V. (eds.). (2016). History of China from ancient times to the beginning of the XXI century: In 10 Volumes. Vol. IX: Reforms and modernization (1976-2009). Moscow: Nauka. - 996 p. (in Russ.)
Kondrashova L.I.
Abstract
REVIEW OF THE BOOK:
Vinogradov A.V. (eds.). (2016). History of China
from ancient times to the beginning of the XXI century:
In 10 Volumes. Vol. IX: Reforms and modernization (1976—2009).
Moscow: Nauka. — 996 p. (in Russ.)
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2017;17(4):874-881
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