Vol 12, No 2 (2020)

Ideas and politics in history

Kashmir after August 5th Decision and its Implications for South Asia

Çelik H.


After World War II, Great Britain's loss of power in the international system had a great impact on the start of the decolonization process (the beginning of the independence movements in colonial geographies and the acquisition of peoples' independence) and expansion of it. India, one of the most important colonies of the British Empire which is known as the empire on which the sun never sets, was also the most important representative and perhaps even the trigger of this process. The Republic of India (hereafter referred to as India) which gained independence from Britain in 1947, also witnessed the birth of another state from its territory. The newly established state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan (hereinafter referred to as Pakistan) has maintained a high-tension relationship with India since the foundation. The main cause of this tension has been the dispute over the Jammu and Kashmir region. The controversial region has again become a conflictual geography with the decision of the Indian Parliament on the 5th of August 2019. By this, the autonomous status of the J&K was abolished and Pakistan and India came to the edge of confrontation. The measures and precautions of the Indian government regarding the region has increased the tension not only in J&K but also in India and in Pakistan. This study tries to analyze the Kashmir dispute in line with the recent developments and how the issue effects the regional political dynamics. In the first part of the paper; there will be a short history of the dispute, the claims of the parties, and the place of this dispute in the international system. In the second part, the current situation will be tried to investigate from the foreign policy and regional policies aspect. The general conclusion of the author is that the recent decision on autonomy of Kashmir will have cumulative negative impacts on the stability of the region in coming years.

RUDN Journal of World History. 2020;12(2):99-111
pages 99-111 views

British Policy in Palestine: Interests versus Reality (1917-1922)

Samarskaia L.M.


The period between the publication of the Balfour Declaration in 1917 and League of Nations mandate’s official assignment to Great Britain in 1922 was not lengthy, but highly eventful. All this time England was maneuvring between the Jewish and the Arab national movements, which also gradually formed their own demands and objectives. The problem was, pursuing British interests was possible through maneuvring only, as support of just one “local” force was not quite strategically advantageous. Britain’s official commitment to the Balfour Declaration remained at the core of its policy, however it could not completely ignore the demands of the Arab polutaion of Palestine. Although there were quite a number of British administrators and imperial politicians, who were sympathetic towards the Zionist cause and thus were ready to meet their requests to a certain extent, adherence to the British Middle East interests remained crucial to them. The idea of a “Jewish national home” (not a state, though) in Palestine did not come into contradiction with the general policy of Great Britain in the Middle East: it was rather its integral part. At the same time implementing the Zionist project had to be in line with it: any relatively radical (from the British administrators’ point of view) proposals were rejected or postponed indefinitely. Towards the Arabs of Palestine Great Britain was conducting mainly declarative policy without any serious consideration of their problems and grievances, although trying to appease their demands to a certain extent. Even the Arab riots of 1920 and 1921 did not cause a serious change in the British political course in Palestine, although they did contribute to the emergence of Churchill’s White Paper in 1922, declaring certain concessions to the Arab national movement, which never accepted the document. At the same time British policy in general was neither pro-Zionist, nor pro-Arab: England was pursuing its long-term strategic goals in the Middle East, skillfully utilizing Zionist and Arab national movements to achieve them.

RUDN Journal of World History. 2020;12(2):112-135
pages 112-135 views

US public diplomacy in the Republic of Cyprus 1974-2004

Danilov A.V.


The article covers the period of the development of public diplomacy of the United States of America in the Republic of Cyprus. The chronological framework is determined by the process of historical formation of the US public policy and the beginning of the active implementation of public diplomacy programs on the island as a means of fulfilling foreign policy tasks. The author points out that the political course of the leadership of the United States from the second half of the 20th century was focused on more active inclusion of the country in international politics and the rejection of isolationism, which was primarily reflected in the departure from the postulates of the Monroe Doctrine and the entry of the United States into the First World War. This, in turn, had a great influence on the development of public diplomacy in the United States as a tool to promote the interests of the country, the creation of the necessary information support for foreign policy actions of the state, as well as a favorable image of the United States in other countries. For a long time, the USA did not consider Cyprus as one of the priorities of its foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean. This was largely due to the fact that Cyprus was part of traditional interests of Great Britain. Washington’s involvement in Cyprus occurred after the events of 1974 and the following Cyprus crisis. The United States focused on the Cyprus problem in the face of growing destabilization of the Middle East, showing interest in the logistics and transport infrastructure, a kind of natural “outpost” on the southeastern borders of NATO.

RUDN Journal of World History. 2020;12(2):136-146
pages 136-146 views

Iberoamerican Studies

Gaitan: The Fate of the Columbian Liberal

Ivanov N.S.


The article is devoted to the political views, circumstances and consequences of the tragic death of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán (1903-1948) - the most prominent political figure of Colombia in the XX century. The aim of the publication is to analyze on the basis of new sources and materials the ideology and policy of «gaitanismo», the international and regional context of the events of 1948, the beginning of the Cold war in the Western hemisphere, connected with the decisions of the IX Panamerican conference in Bogotá, the attitude of the US authorities towards Gaitan, the investigation of the murder of the prominent Colombian politician. The author comes to the conclusion that in the situation of the Cold war the USA was the main interested party in the Gaitán’s elimination. Truman's administration was determined to suppress not only the Socialist and Communist parties in Latin America, but also the liberalism, focused on national and social goals.

RUDN Journal of World History. 2020;12(2):147-160
pages 147-160 views

Spanish press during Transit period

Trofimova M.D.


This article analyzes the role of Spanish media systems in the transit period in Spain. By research of the Spanish massmedia systems of the late 70s - early 80s and their interaction with the government, have been identified the basic features of a role of the Spanish media systems in democratization of a society, and also reconstruction of the information system which has become diametrically opposed to the information system of the previous time.
RUDN Journal of World History. 2020;12(2):161-168
pages 161-168 views

Oriental Studies

The Buddhist factor in Oirat legislation

Kitinov B.


The legislative acts, adopted by the Oirad in the middle of the XVII - the middle of the XVIII centuries, proceeded from the real external and internal political situation, depended on the influence of religious and social conditions. Laws of 1640 should be recognized as the most universally recognized and authoritative ones, since they were supposed to strengthen the relations of the Oirad with the Eastern Mongols, the unity (mutual assistance and interaction) of the Oirad in the conditions of the collapse of their former (Middle) Confederation. But it was precisely the consequences of the disintegration that necessitated the development of new, more “local” versions of laws, that have been adopted in Jungar (Decrees of Galdan Boshogtu-khan), Qoshut (“Mongolian code” of Gushi-khan, “Basic code of Kukunor chuulgan”), and later in Kalmyk (“Togtol”) khanates. Despite the fact that the Buddhist factor is reflected in pointed legislative acts quite clearly, religion is represented on a larger scale especially in Qoshut ones, which should be explained by the proximity of Tibetan sacred authorities to Qoshut people (Kukunor region) and the role of Qoshut “kings” (rgyal po). “Togtol” laws, adopted by the Kalmyk ruler Donduk-Dashi, also supplemented Laws of 1640, and marked the formation of a special community grouped around certain sacred texts.

RUDN Journal of World History. 2020;12(2):169-185
pages 169-185 views

Organization of volunteer forces of the Ottoman Empire from representatives of the peoples of the North Caucasus during the Russian-Ottoman war of 1877-1878 on the Caucasus-Asia Minor Front

Pankin V.A.


This article, based on a wide range of sources, primarily of foreign origin (Turkish, English, French and Austrian), examines the issue of an attempt by immigrants from the North Caucasus to integrate into Ottoman society by forming voluntary military units on the eve of and during the years of the Russian-Ottoman war of 1877-1878 The author conducted a study of issues that were practically not studied in domestic and world historiography related to the legislative support of the volunteer movement during the preparation of the armed forces for the expected military conflict with the Russian Empire, the number of formed military units from representatives of the peoples of the North Caucasus, their ethnicity, and command staff and a number of other issues, including uniforms of irregular parts of the Ottoman Empire, weapons and sources staffing. Based on an analysis of the sources available to us, the author concludes that the leadership of the Ottoman Empire is inevitable to seek help from the North Caucasus Muhajir, to form irregular cavalry units from them. The author also concludes that, for the conduct of hostilities on the Caucasus-Asia Minor Front, units formed from the peoples of the Central and Eastern Caucasus were sent: Dagestanis, Kabardins, Ossetians, Chechens and Kumyks, who, after resettlement from the Russian Empire, were settled by the Ottoman government in the territory Sivas and Erzurum vilayets, as well as Samsun (Djanik) sanjak.

RUDN Journal of World History. 2020;12(2):186-202
pages 186-202 views

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