The article discusses main theoretical approaches to the concept of Anti-Americanism, including situational Anti-Americanism, i.e. critique of not America as such, but rather of its particular actions. It demonstrates that Anti-Americanism that has emerged in the Republic of Korea is of situational type. While in the first decades of the Cold War South Korea was one of the most pro-American states in the world, it started to change in 1980s. The article links emergence of Anti-Americanism in the country to U.S. support to the authoritarian political regime in South Korea in times, when ever greater part of the population started demanding democratization. A focus is given to 2000s, when Anti-Americanism gained significant popularity in the country. It demonstrates that situational Anti-Americanism is the dominant type of it also nowadays. In recent years declining popularity of Anti-Americanism has been characteristic to South Korea society. The article links this tendency to the failure of the six-party talks on North Korean nuclear program, to rising tensions on the Korean Peninsula and in Northeast Asia in general, and, most importantly, to the progress that the Korean people’s Democratic Republic has achieved in development of its missile and nuclear technologies. At the same time, it concludes that as long as U.S. troops remain in South Korea, and as long as political and economic ties between the Republic of Korea and the U.S. remain as close as they are today, situational Anti-Americanism will remain characteristic to South Korean society.

The search for foreign policy guidelines for the newly independent states that emerged as a result of the collapse of the USSR, is closely linked to the recognition on their part of certain norms, values and attitudes as benchmarks in the international arena. In addition, the foreign policy orientation of a state that has gained independence implies its strategic orientation to individual states or a union of states that are its authority. This article considers the main cause-effect manifestations of this factor with reference to “transitional” post-Soviet states in the context of Russia’s integration initiatives. The article states the fact that Russia is striving to implement integration projects in the post-Soviet space, but there are barriers on this path that are caused by Russia’s objective (primarily economic) relative weakness in comparison with the cumulative West. However, there is another, very strong reason for the problematic integration under Russia’s leadership-the lack of a value system and ideological attraction in post-communist Russia, unlike the West, which has long understood itself as a single value system. This factor, in turn, hinders the strengthening of Russia’s image, which, despite its strong political and economic leverage, does not become a foreign policy authority for other post-Soviet states. Consequently, integration and cooperation within the structures dominated by Russia (CIS, CSTO, EAEC) has significant flaws, the spirit of partnership is often dominated by the rivalry and self-interest of individual state actors that perceive national interests in their own way; there is no ideological basis for cohesion and solidarity between these states-actors. Russia lacks not only pronounced positive value points that are attractive to its neighbors, but it also can’t justify the existence of a common external enemy or common challenges. Without this factor, the strength of alliances under the leadership of Russia becomes more problematic.

Intercultural communication in the modern world is becoming more intense, expanding psychological perception that people have about other peoples and their cultures. This article discusses the psychological characteristics of perception of the students of St. Petersburg social distance to different peoples of the world. The article emphasizes the difficulties of perception and inter-cultural interaction depending on the stereotypes of perception and causal attribution errors and discrimination. Authors state that assertiveness as the ability to protect their rights and interests is evident in the increasing social distance and is a constructive way of protection. The goal of the present empirical research is to study the amount of social distance students of Russian nationality in relation to the representatives of the different ethnic groups of the world. Objectives of the study were to assess the magnitude of social distance in relation to populations that are not part of the Russian Federation; and in determining the dynamics of social distance, depending on political and economic world trends. Method of research is the social distance scale of E. Bogardus. Based on the results of empirical research, the following conclusions were made. The value of social distance students of Russian nationality shows their normal ethnic identity and positive attitude to the different people of the world. Interviewed students realize themselves as a separate ethnic group, have the desire and willingness to cooperate with other peoples. Social distance in relation to European populations is in general closer than to Asian and African ethnicities. Social distance of the students towards the brotherly Slavic peoples (Ukrainians and Belarusians) is closer than to the representatives of other nations, but students are ready to build friendships and business relationships with the Belarusians, as for the citizens of Ukraine and the residents of Donbass they have shown interest in recent years only in business relations. This represents a slight increase in the length of social distance in relation to Ukrainians. People push social distance towards the residents of the country, where a civil war is, psychologically protect, try to be emotionally away from military conflict. Authors conclude that this is a normal psychological reaction. In a situation of a terrorist act, the value of social distance toward terrorists and their victims also sharply increases.

The relevance of the research topic due to the ever-increasing role of the analytical institutions in the process of formation of Russia’s image in the public consciousness. In this context, the position of Germany represents the greatest interest. Germany is a state, on the one hand, a NATO member, on the other hand, represents one of the main European partners of Russia. This prevents it to form a clear-cut stance on issues directly related to Russia and Germany, on issues in solving which involved both countries. The aim of the study is to identify the role of think tanks of Germany in the process of forming the image of Russia, and also the degree of influence of research and analytical centers on the media. The subject of research was the problem of the Syrian crisis. For example, the Friedrich Ebert Foundation implemented a study to identify interest centers in shaping the image of Russia in the framework of solving the Syrian crisis. As research methods is to provide a description method used for studying the materials of the Fund, the method of comparison for the choice of the object of study, and to determine the effect of center content on various media. For wider exploration of topics in addition to the materials analytical centers were used for more of the Russian and foreign literature, as well as the materials of the statistical agencies. The results of the study represent a number of conclusions, which show the degree of interest of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in the process of formation of Russia’s image and prospects of implementing the ideas of the analytical center in the German news system.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of the Ukrainian crisis in the short term. It presents the analysis of four possible scenarios for the development of the crisis and its consequences. The forecast task is to help decision-makers mentally put themselves in a situation in which realized one of the scenarios for the future and to encourage them to calculate their possible actions. In the preparation of this forecast the scenario analysis tool was used: the allocation of two key variables, the ratio of which determines the spectrum of the analyzed scenarios. In this analysis authors selected the following variables: a measure of the West’s support of the current government of Ukraine and the domestic political stability of the government P. Poroshenko. Although support from the West plays an important role in strengthening the domestic political position of President Poroshenko, and the failure of the Ukrainian authorities in the future can weaken the West’s readiness to support them, the authors consider it possible to recognize these uncertainties as independent of each other. The ratio of the two variables gives four scenarios for the development of the situation. The described scenarios may not be implemented in a “pure” form. Political reality will be a result of combination of them, leaning towards one of it. The authors consider their task not as “predicting the future”, but in structuring it, presenting the range of its options. The authors give a list of event-markers, which will indicate the implementation of a particular scenario. The authors come to the conclusion that in the coming years the future of the Ukrainian crisis will be limited by two key constants - a big war and a deep political settlement are equally unlikely. A long-term solution to the Ukrainian crisis is not yet visible. Most of the external participants in the situation take a wait-and-see attitude, watching which faction will win in Kiev. It can be stated that the key process of the near future is the formation of stable status-quo frameworks, in which the crisis will freeze for one or two electoral cycles.

This article focuses on one of the new multilateral development banks (MDBs) dominated by emerging economies - Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The creation of this institution was stimulated, inter alia, by the growing demand for infrastructure financing. However, in most cases MDBs cannot finance large infrastructure projects without pooling their resources. To better understand the AIIB prospects in addressing infrastructure investment gap, this article analyzes the existing formats of its cooperation with other MDBs and co-financing mechanisms they use, and outlines possible directions for further cooperation. The author explores memoranda of understanding between the AIIB and other MDBs, examines practical aspects of engagement and makes a projection regarding their joint financial contribution growth in the coming years. The forecast includes two scenarios: basic and optimistic, and is based on the analysis of AIIB existing partnerships with other institutions and volumes of financing for joint projects. The methodology used for assessment takes into account potential developments in the bank in terms of capital growth, membership expansion and attracting resources in the financial market. Based on the forecast, the author concludes that in five years the new bank together with its partners will be able to provide infrastructure financing of up to US$ 165 billion. In order to develop cooperation in accordance with the optimistic scenario, the AIIB should start relying on its own environmental and social practices, acting as a main co-financier. However, the potential of AIIB interaction with national development banks that can also contribute to better infrastructure financing is currently underutilized. This article shows that in future, cooperation in this area can become a significant component of increasing the AIIB’s contribution to narrowing the global infrastructure gap.

The article examines the development of Russian-Indian trade and economic relations from 1992 to 2017. The relevance of the topic is that currently the economic sanctions of some Western countries and the USA against Russia forced to strengthen the Eastern vector of its foreign policy. India is a leading country in the South Asian region, has nuclear capabilities, has demonstrated high rates of socio-economic and military development, and it has all chances to be among the world powers. The rapid growth of India draws attention of politicians and scientists. Deeper cooperation with India may become a good stimulus for the development of the Russian economy and to deepen bilateral strategic relations, in the conditions of aggravation of competitive struggle in world politics and economy is extremely important for both countries. The study of the historical experience, its content, potential, problems and perspectives seem to be relevant and useful. In the study of this topic, the author has considered the formation of modern normative-legal base of Russian-Indian trade and economic relations, has studied the structure and dynamics of trade turnover, revealed the main causes of the existing problems and identified prospects. As a methodological basis of the present study, we used the historical descriptive method which allowed the author to analyze the history of Russian-Indian economic relations. The results of the analysis the author concludes that today, there are a number of external and internal factors that negatively affect economic relations between the two countries, but Indian and Russian governments are determined to strengthen relations in this area, creating a favorable environment for the development of business contacts between representatives of business circles of Russia and India, and the commitment to take economic relations to a level commensurate with the status of “privileged strategic partnership”.

Assessment of the correlation in priorities of the academic community and national foreign policy represents not only an intriguing research question by itself, but also an important practical task. As the governmental bodies remain the main source of demand for professionals and research in International Relations, such analysis could create a foundation for the status and material aspirations of scholars. Nevertheless, there were no systematic attempts to assess the abovementioned correlation on the basis of the sufficient empirical data. The current article is aimed to stimulate discussion regarding the connections between policy and academic priorities through providing comparative analysis of the major directions in Russian official documents and topics covered in PhD theses on International Politics. The analysis covers the period from the early 1990s until 2016. The use of PhD theses as an object for the current study is justified by their reflection of long-term research orientations, significant multiplying effect on higher education and academic publications, as well as define transition of young specialists from students to members of the professional community. The article proves that thematical preferences of the PhD theses, prepared in 2000s and 2010s, to a great extent correlate with the priorities defined by the Russian Concepts of foreign policy. However, they underrepresent several important policy directions, siuch as arms control, political aspects of global innovation system and international relations in the Post-Soviet space and in the Asia Pacific.

The interview includes following topics: the state and prospects of bilateral relations between the US and Russia, analysis of the factor of the Russophobia phenomenon’s influence on the perception of Russia’s image and its foreign policy in the US in the academic environment and circles of the political establishment. Scientist admitted that today there are no conditions for allied relations between Russia and the United States. In the near future, attempts to normalize bilateral relations on the part of Russia will not lead to counteractions. Political elites are not ready to build bilateral relations in the format of alliance. The society is either trapped in prejudices, or awaiting the appearance of leaders that capable to build qualitatively new relations between Moscow and Washington. Describing the presence of Russia in the global media space, A.P. Tsygankov emphasizes the need to actively promote the positive image of Russia, taking into account geopolitical realities.

The article deals with the use of soft power in the foreign cultural policy of Spain in the following areas: the dissemination of language and culture and international cooperation in the field of education. The authors studied the factors that influenced the formation of the strategy of the cultural and educational cooperation in foreign policy of Spain, and main institutions for its implementation. In the era of globalization, culture and education are increasingly moving beyond national boundaries and transform into an instrument of interethnic dialogue and modern geopolitics. Cultural cooperation policy presents a powerful resource for foreign policy activity of a country with a large number of UNESCO World Heritage sites, the richest history and culture, but also of a country that develops constantly and dynamically, and it uses skillfully its competitive advantages. The activities aimed at expanding the educational model of Spain in other countries can be relatively divided into three components: cooperation in the field of higher education with universities in other countries, the spread of the language and culture of Spain abroad in the educational centers and institutions of culture, and teaching Spanish language for foreign citizens inside the country. In the first section, we consider the ways of attracting students to Spain through a number of programs taking into consideration Bologna educational system which Spain has joined. Second section is devoted to the analysis of diplomatic, informational and other types of assistance in the sphere of expansion of the Spanish language and culture, realized by Spanish state authorities in the Russian Federation. In the third subsection, we adduce the data about changes in policy of teaching foreign students on the territory of Spain. To form high quality and approachable teaching system, multiple steps were done both in the universities and private linguistic centers with high level of teaching guaranteed by Cervantes Institute. This study is aimed at all those who are interested in the issues of cultural and educational cooperation, foreign policy of Spain and relations between our countries.

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