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<article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/" article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.2" xml:lang="en"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">RUDN Journal of Public Administration</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="en">RUDN Journal of Public Administration</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Вестник Российского университета дружбы народов. Серия:  Государственное и муниципальное управление</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn publication-format="print">2312-8313</issn><issn publication-format="electronic">2411-1228</issn><publisher><publisher-name xml:lang="en">Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba (RUDN University)</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">23556</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22363/2312-8313-2019-6-4-356-365</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>Public Diplomacy in Contemporary World</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>Публичная дипломатия в современном мире</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="article-type"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title xml:lang="en">Russian Cultural Marking of the International Scene: The Soft Power to the Test (2000-2018)</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Культурная маркировка России на международной арене: испытание мягкой силы (2000-2018)</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Kouma</surname><given-names>Jean Cottin</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Кума</surname><given-names>Жан Коттен</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en">PhD Student of the Department of Comparative Politics</bio><bio xml:lang="ru">аспирант кафедры сравнительной политологии</bio><email>cottingelin@yahoo.fr</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff1"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University)</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">Российский университет дружбы народов</institution></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2019-12-15" publication-format="electronic"><day>15</day><month>12</month><year>2019</year></pub-date><volume>6</volume><issue>4</issue><issue-title xml:lang="en">VOL 6, NO4 (2019)</issue-title><issue-title xml:lang="ru">ТОМ 6, №4 (2019)</issue-title><fpage>356</fpage><lpage>365</lpage><history><date date-type="received" iso-8601-date="2020-04-24"><day>24</day><month>04</month><year>2020</year></date></history><permissions><copyright-statement xml:lang="en">Copyright ©; 2019, Kouma J.C.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="ru">Copyright ©; 2019, Кума Ж.К.</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2019</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Kouma J.C.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Кума Ж.К.</copyright-holder><ali:free_to_read xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/"/><license><ali:license_ref xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/">http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0</ali:license_ref></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://journals.rudn.ru/public-administration/article/view/23556">https://journals.rudn.ru/public-administration/article/view/23556</self-uri><abstract xml:lang="en">Since the mid-1990s, and even more Vladimir Putin’s accession to the presidency, reaffirmation and recognition of Russia’s status as a great power has been erected as an existential political imperative. The restoration of Russia's global influence is one of the parts of this high-powered policy implemented by the authorities. It manifests itself repeatedly through hard power initiatives outside national borders in Georgia, Ukraine or Syria. But the “color revolutions” in the post-Soviet space, primarily the Orange Revolution of 2004, prompt the Russian government to rethink its foreign policy in order to project a better image of Russia abroad. This late awareness is reflected in the adoption of a clean soft power strategy and its main key instruments are created during the second term of Vladimir Putin (2004- 2008). The notion of soft power will be institutionalized in the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation on February 12, 2013. This article is therefore intended as a contribution to the analysis of the issues surrounding the cultural variable in foreign policy. of the Russian Federation. It is therefore more precisely his ambition to decipher the motives underlying the mobilization of resources for the purpose of cultural outreach by Russia. A country with many contrasts and, moreover, in a world cultural field traditionally controlled by strong Western powers, Russia has opted for soft power, with the triple vision of making its way, to feed its current rise and to pose as a “responsible” and “conciliatory” power. For the twelfth largest economic power in the world, it is also a question of reducing the mistrust and criticism that its presence already arouses on the international scene. The choice made on the cultural variable is therefore not insignificant; because, it is a strategy, through which Russia would like to build, if not regain its greatness of yesteryear.</abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="ru">Автор утверждает, что со второй половины 1990-х годов, и особенно с момента вступления В.В. Путина на пост президента, международное подтверждение и признание статуса России как великой державы было возведено в ранг экзистенциального внешнеполитического императива. Восстановление глобального влияния России - одна из составляющих этой политики, проводимой российскими властями. Однако «цветные революции» на постсоветском пространстве, в первую очередь «Оранжевая революция» 2004 года на Украине, заставили российское руководство переосмыслить отдельные императивы внешней политики для того, чтобы спроецировать за рубежом лучший образ России. Данные приоритеты нашли отражение в программных документах во время второго президентского срока В.В. Путина (2004- 2008 гг.). Понятие «мягкой силы» будет институционализировано в Концепции внешней политики Российской Федерации от 12 февраля 2013 года. Данная статья призвана внести вклад в анализ проблем, связанных с культурной переменной во внешней политике Российской Федерации. Автор полагает, что в мировом культурном поле, традиционно контролируемом сильными западными державами, Россия выбрала мягкую силу на основе видения своего особенного пути, своей истории культуры и многочисленных достижений, представляя себя «ответственной» и «примиряющей» державой.</trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Russia</kwd><kwd>foreign policy</kwd><kwd>soft power</kwd><kwd>Power</kwd><kwd>culture</kwd><kwd>cooperation</kwd><kwd>sport</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Россия</kwd><kwd>внешняя политика</kwd><kwd>мягкая сила</kwd><kwd>власть</kwd><kwd>культура</kwd><kwd>сотрудничество</kwd><kwd>спорт</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><body></body><back><ref-list><ref id="B1"><label>1.</label><mixed-citation>Pinot A., Reveillard C. (eds.) Russia Yesterday and Today. Cross Perceptions. Paris: L’Harmattan; 2016 (In Fr.).</mixed-citation></ref><ref id="B2"><label>2.</label><mixed-citation>Gauchon P., Huissoud J.M. The 100 Words of Geopolitics. 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