主编：Konstantin P. Kurylev, 教授 国际刊号：2313-0660（印刷版） 国际刊号：2313-0679（网页版） 创刊时间：2001年；出版周期：4期/年（季刊） 公开访问 ；版面费：无。 评审：双盲同行评议。语言：俄语、英语。 出版社/： 俄罗斯人民友谊大学 期刊收录：White List, Scopus (Q1 SJR, Cite Score; Q2 SNIP), RSCI, RISC (elibrary.ru), Google Scholar, Ulrich's Periodicals Directory, WorldCat, Cyberleninka, ВАК, ERIH PLUS, DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals), Dimensions, ResearchBib, Lens, Research4Life , JournalTOCs, British Library, Bodleian Libraries (University of Oxford), Ghent University Library
федеральное государственное автономное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Российский университет дружбы народов имени Патриса Лумумбы» (РУДН)
The right of authorship belongs to the authors of articles. The authors transfer the rights to use the article (including the use and distribution of an article in the Open Access) to the publisher of the journal on a non-exclusive license (Publishing Agreement (Public Offer)). At the same time, authors remain full rightsholders. Publishing Agreement (Public Offer) to Publish an Article in an Academic Periodical 'Vestnik of RUDN. International Relations' The Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Education "Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba” (RUDN), represented by the Vice-Rector for Scientific Work Andrey Aleksandrovich Kostin, acting under a Power of Attorney No 0036-03/21-163 dated 12.10.2021, hereinafter referred to as the Publisher, on the one hand, hereby offers to the public at large, hereinafter referred to as the Author, on the other hand, hereinafter collectively referred to as the Parties, to enter into this agreement, hereinafter referred to as the Agreement, regarding publication of scholarly materials, hereinafter referred to as the Article, in the Journal named 'Vestnik of RUDN. International Relations', hereinafter referred to as the Journal, under the following terms. 1. General Terms and Conditions 1.1. 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If any disagreements remain unresolved, the Parties shall settle those at the location of the Publisher in accordance with the effective law of the Russian Federation. 10. Miscellaneous 10.1. Any notifications, messages, requests etc., excluding documents which need to be forwarded in original form pursuant to the Russian Federation legislation, shall be deemed to have been received by the Author, if delivered (sent) by the Publisher via the Journal's site, including by publishing those, by fax or e-mail specified in the Application, or using other communication facilities. The Parties acknowledge validity of notifications, messages, requests etc. delivered (sent) using the above-listed methods. 10.2. 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Subject to Article 6 of the Federal Law On Personal Data No. 152-FZ dated July 27, 2006, for the period from the conclusion of this Agreement and until the discharge of Parties obligations hereunder, the Author expresses his/her consent to processing of the following personal data by the Publisher: last name, first name, patronymic; taxpayers identification number (TIN); place and date of birth; citizenship details; ID document details; registration and actual location address; e-mail address; mailing address with postal code; contact phone numbers; fax numbers; and details of the employers. 10.4. The Publisher is entitled to process the above personal data for the purpose of this Agreement performance, including for provision of information and reference services to the Author. The processing of personal data shall be understood to mean any handing (operations) with personal data, including collection, systematization, accumulation, storage, refinement (update, alteration), use, distribution (including transfer to third parties), depersonalization, blocking and deletion of personal data in accordance with the effective Russian Federation legislation. 10.5. Where permitted by the Russian Federation legislation, the Author is entitled to withdraw his/her consent to processing of personal data as listed in Clause 10.3 by forwarding a respective notice to the Publisher. Upon receipt of such notice, the Publisher has a right to suspend services. 10.6. The Author will, on a goodwill basis, submit his/her details (and details of each Co-Author subject to their prior consent) to the Journal's Editorial Office consisting of his/her: last name, first name, patronymic, academic rank, academic degree, job title, employer details (name and mailing address), work phone number and e-mail address for the purpose of its general publication in the Journal along with the Article. 11. Registered Address and Particulars of the Publisher Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Education "Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba” (RUDN) Address: 6 Mikluho-Maklaya str., Moscow, 117198, Russian Federation TIN 7728073720, CRR 772801001, PSRN 1027739189323. Vice Rector for Scientific Work A.A. Kostin
Son of Struggling Africa: On the Centenary of Patrice Lumumba’s Birth (July 2, 1925 - January 17, 1961)
The article commemorates the 100th anniversary of the birth of Patrice Emery Lumumba, a national hero of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), one of the most prominent leaders of the African anti-colonial movement, and the first Prime Minister of an independent country. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, his homeland became an arena for confrontation between the African liberation forces and the West, which was interested in maintaining its position in the mineral-rich country in Central Africa. In modern terms, as African countries strive to assert their sovereignty and security, strengthen their presence in the global economy and politics, it is crucial for them to rely on historical experience, taking into consideration the successes and failures of the period of struggle for independence and decolonization. Using the biographical method, the article undertakes a comprehensive analysis of the development of an individual’s life strategy as a social subject in interaction with society, examining how the environment and socio-cultural circumstances affect a person’s beliefs and behavior, and the subsequent manifestations of a unique and typical character. The research is grounded in a comprehensive examination of P. Lumumba’s speeches, correspondence, and published articles. Additionally, it draws upon annual collections of Belgian and Congolese documents on the situation in the country (1959-1961), published in Brussels. P. Lumumba’s personality was shaped by a specific system of the Belgian colonial administration. P. Lumumba was a highly intelligent individual hailing from a humble peasant background. He was a talented organizer and an excellent orator. Thanks to his natural abilities, hard work and self-education, he became one of the most respected politicians of the DRC on the eve of and in the first year of its independence. P. Lumumba founded a new political party, the Congolese National Movement, which was the only party to deviate from narrow ethnic interests. The main tenets of the program can be summarized as follows: the formation of an independent, unified, integral and indivisible Congo; the organization of the public sector, which controls the mining industry, to pursue an independent course in the economic field and in foreign policy; overcoming tribalism and regionalism; creating a just society without poverty and exploitation. In foreign policy, he focused on neutrality and Pan-Africanism. The article analyzes how, during the Cold War, such a radical policy and uncompromising stance of P. Lumumba turned the West and pro-Western forces inside the Congo against him, which caused a crisis in the country that led to the assassination of the Prime Minister. The different assessments of P. Lumumba’s activities primarily stem from the varying political positions of researchers and politicians, as well as from the contradictory worldview and the lack of formality of the politician’s own program.
版权所有 © Ponomarenko L., Zueva E., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Sub-Saharan African Countries on the Path to Achieving Technological Sovereignty - The Case of Nigeria, Kenya and Ghana: Problems and Prospects
The article addresses the issue of ensuring technological sovereignty in sub-Saharan Africa. Using Nigeria, Kenya and Ghana as case studies, the author demonstrates that national programmes and strategies dedicated to developing advanced information technologies have been implemented in a sub-Saharan Africa, as well as professional research groups and scientific and educational research centers that are aimed at developing artificial intelligence (AI) applications. IT parks are also under construction in some countries. The key area of research is natural language processing, as a wide range of AI applications that can understand different African languages is needed to create a well-developed AI-ecosystem in Africa that addresses the needs of local citizens. Both general scientific methods (such as analysis, synthesis and analogy) and special methods (such as critical discourse and comparative analyses) were used in the research. It has been revealed that several language models for Kiswahili, Yoruba, Twi and Luganda as well as a special Python library for solving speech recognition tasks for the most common languages in Ghana have already been developed by certain African research groups. This represents a significant breakthrough for African countries in the field of high-tech technologies. However, these successes are local in nature across the entire continent, as their further development depends on a problem that affects most African countries: lack of funding. As a result, many research groups in Africa exist on a voluntary basis, and the research itself is frequently funded by sponsorship from Western corporations and foundations. This poses a serious threat to the technological sovereignty of sub-Saharan African countries, which, despite ongoing efforts, continue to depend on imported technologies and foreign investments. In order to reduce this dependence, African governments need to consider mechanisms for attracting African investors to relevant research and development. Only in this case it would be possible to organize an effective search for optimal solutions in order to meet specific local and regional demands.
版权所有 © Pantserev K., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Leadership of the Republic of Kenya in the Multinational Security Support Mission for Haiti: Experience and Lessons for ad hoc Coalitions
The article examines the role of the Republic of Kenya in providing security beyond the African continent and the potential of an ad hoc coalition formed of “secondary” states as an alternative to institutionalized collective security systems in the context of new forms of peacekeeping development. In the 2020s, it became evident that the liberal peacebuilding paradigm was not applicable to Haiti. At present a failed state could not resist the growth of gangsterism without external military support, which has led to a serious security crisis. In October 2023, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) authorized the deployment of the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support mission (MSS) to assist the Haitian authorities in confronting urban gangs. The mission’s mandate was extended in September 2024. The deployment of this mission signals the start of a new cycle of external intervention in Haiti. The purpose of this article is to analyze the experience and lessons of the formation and functioning of a stabilization ad hoc coalition involving “secondary” states, and the role of the leader state (by the example of Kenya) in a changing international environment. The study’s methodology is based on interdisciplinary, historical and systemic approaches. It is stated that the readiness of the Republic of Kenya to lead the coalition forces demonstrates an increased ability of African states to play a leading role in providing security beyond the continent. However, the deployment of the international mission has been significantly delayed. Currently, the stabilization forces have very limited resources and capabilities with which to support the Haitian national police. A thorough examination of the initial phase of the MSS in Haiti confirms the working hypothesis that the effectiveness of the coalition forces is associated with the role of a leading state with international authority and resources for a stabilization or peacekeeping operation. The experience of the initial stage of the coalition forces’ mission revealed a gap between the ambitions of “secondary” states and their capacity to conduct coalition operations independently. Along with the common difficulties of providing predictable and sustainable funding for similar operations, the MSS faced a number of national-level challenges related to the establishment of a legal framework for the deployment of Kenyan peacekeepers to Haiti, as well as a lack of support from the Kenyan opposition and public. It is noted that the United States (US) continues to patron “failed states” and creates coalitions with “secondary” states, involving them in the US geopolitical goals in the Caribbean region achievement.
版权所有 © Tishkov S., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
France’s Policy in the Sahara-Sahel Region: The End of Operation Barkhane and the Quest for a New Approach
This article explores France’s strategy towards the Sahara-Sahel region in the aftermath of the Operation Barkhane . Based on the postulates of neoclassical realism and the method of comparative analysis, this study reveals the extent to which the plans declared by the French leadership are consistent with the practical steps taken by Paris in the region. It is noted that France’s policy in this direction is usually associated with the neocolonial concept of “Françafrique,” which seeks to maintain implicit control over former colonies through various means, particularly military ones. Like all his predecessors, President Emmanuel Macron has been criticized for pursuing this policy, yet he has tried to adapt it to the evolving circumstances. In this regard, the article addresses the research question about the degree of continuity in France’s Africa policy at the present stage. On the one hand, it examines the efforts of the French leadership to break the deadlock of Operation Barkhane by implementing a comprehensive “3D” approach. However, the simultaneous efforts on the military, diplomatic and humanitarian tracks only fueled anti-French sentiment, while failing to ensure peace across the Sahel. On the other hand, the article examines the new strategy presented by Emmanuel Macron shortly after the start of his second presidential term. The latter implies a joint management of military bases, enhancing France’s public image and deepening economic ties. However, most of these announcements lack some practical steps and have not prevented the further weakening of French positions, as evidenced by events in Niger during the summer of 2023. The article concludes that a negative continuity still prevails in the African policy of the Fifth Republic, which means the extension of the crisis and an inability to stop it. Overall, this situation is likely to persist until the end of Macron’s presidency, with an increasing number of countries expected to leave the French sphere of influence.
版权所有 © Chikhachev A., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
“Bridge” States in International Relations: The Cases of Singapore and Indonesia
The article examines the theoretical and practical aspects of the derivative power usage in international relations, as well as the concept of “bridge” states which connect different, and even competing, centers of power, thereby gaining their edge in the global arena. Consequently, the authors view such states as the actors most actively and efficiently using derivative power. Furthermore, the authors distinguish the specific features of the circulation approach to the phenomenon of power in international relations, as well as the characteristics of “bridge” states. The article distinguishes several features within political-geographic, historical-cultural, and legitimacy-based aspects. These include playing a balancing act between large states and groups with their membership, the absence of direct regional threats, ethno-cultural pluralism and also both internal and external acceptance of such a middle status. The theoretical part also explains the differences and similarities between neutral and “bridge” states, thereby facilitating a more profound comprehension of the latter category. Then, the authors analyze the foreign policies of Singapore and Indonesia, using a comparative method based on the basis of nine criteria. In this way, the article exemplifies possible variations from the ideal type, as well as it illustrates the ability of big actors, such as Indonesia, to use derivative power in foreign relations. It is worth pointing out that both the conceptual explanations and empirical data provided in the article facilitate further study of the internal and external conditions which determine whether a state gains or loses its “bridge” state status. Furthermore, the article shifts the focus from various groups and alliances to the types and principles of connectivity in international relations.
版权所有 © Loshkariov I., Kopyttsev I., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Indonesian Regional Policy in the Focus of National Research Schools: А Сomparative Analysis
Indonesia is the largest country in Southeast Asia, which has a serious impact on international processes in the region. At the same time, Indonesia’s foreign policy is shaped by a number of external and internal factors. Using the method of comparative analysis, the author aims to analyze the four most analytically developed national schools exploring Indonesia and its foreign policy. The criteria for analyzing the specifics of national schools are assessments by experts and researchers of Indonesia’s regional policy, its goals and role in decision-making processes on key issues of regional development including security issues amidst the intersection of the interests of the United States and China in Southeast Asia and the emergence of a new spatial dimension of the clash of these interests - the Indo-Pacific region. Special attention in the study is paid to Islam and its influence on the foreign policy course of modern Indonesia. The presented comparison of expert assessments of various national research schools of Indonesian foreign policy with a special focus on its regional policy makes it possible to identify specifics of national schools in the analysis of Indonesian foreign policy and suggest a set of factors which influence or shift the focus of research in accordance with the foreign policy of those states whose national research schools are examined in this article. The author comes to the conclusion that the perception of Indonesia’s role and place in regional processes in Southeast Asia differs among researchers from different countries and correlates not only with the national specifics of foreign policy analysis, but also with the goals and objectives pursued in the foreign policy of their state in relation to Indonesia, the Southeast Asian region and the broader macro-regional space, which is becoming an environment where the interests of various international players clash.
版权所有 © Kablukov K., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Accession of Kashmir to the Indian Union in 1947: Based on Materials from the National Archives of India
The article focuses on specific aspects of the history of the Kashmir conflict, which emerged in October and November 1947, including the role of political leaders of India, Kashmir and Pakistan. The author clarifies the circumstances surrounding Kashmir’s accession to the Indian Union and the positions of the Indian, Kashmiri, and Pakistani authorities in the context of the invasion of Pashtun militants into the territory of the State. The novelty of the study lies in its use of unpublished documents on Kashmir’s accession to the Indian Union from the collections of the National Archives of India, obtained by the author during her research trips to the Republic of India. Published documents from the National Archives of India, which had not previously been included in scientific circulation, were also used. Through an objective and critical analysis of sources, the author concludes that the Kashmir problem emerged as a result of the dismemberment of colonial India became possible due to a subjective factor too, the lack of political will of the Maharaja of Kashmir, Hari Singh, and the use of his inaction and indecision by the parties to the conflict. Although the Pakistani leadership, including Governor-General Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, did not initiate aggression against Kashmir and Maharaja Hari Singh personally, they were fully aware of the Pashtun terrorist raid on Kashmir and the invasion of its territory. Official Karachi did not take any measures to detain the armed group and prevent the bloody raid on Kashmir because of its fear of causing a negative reaction from the Pashtun tribes of the North-West Province of Pakistan, anti-government protests and actions. Maharaja Hari Singh was unable to ensure the security of its borders and appealed to Karachi for help, but received no response. His decision to join the Indian Union was a forced measure, but it was precisely this that saved the State. Delhi did not make immediate accession to the Indian state a mandatory condition for providing assistance to Kashmir, leaving the right to make this historic decision to the Kashmiris through a plebiscite. The Deputy Prime Minister of India, Vallabhbhai Patel, played a significant role in deciding to send an Indian landing force to save Kashmir. To this day, the Kashmir crisis, one of the longest in the world, alternately goes into a latent phase and then flares up again, as Pakistan does not recognize the legitimacy of the princely state’s integration into India.
版权所有 © Chereshneva L., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The National Security Agenda of the African Participants and Partners of the BRICS
Following the 16th BRICS Summit in 2024, three African states - Algeria, Nigeria and Uganda - were granted the designation of partner states. The geographical scope and thematic agenda of BRICS activities are expanding, with development and security issues (including on the African continent) occupying a central place. However, the concept of security itself has undergone a significant transformation in recent decades, evolving from the traditional state security paradigm, which focused on countering external military threats, to a more comprehensive approach that encompasses various dimensions, including political, socio-economic, technological and environmental. Referring to the concept of securitization proposed by the Copenhagen School of security studies, the authors proceed from the need to present the African BRICS+ countries (South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia as member-states, Uganda and Nigeria as new partners) as actors formulating the national security agenda. The present study focuses on the threats identified in the official discourse of these countries, which ones are prioritized and how this is argued in relation to the specifics of the national context. The research problem being solved aligns with the objectives of Russian foreign policy to strengthen interaction with the countries of the African continent in the field of security (including through BRICS). Furthermore, the study could contribute to a deeper theoretical understanding of non-Western discourse on security issues. The article provides a comparative analysis of the relevant doctrinal documents adopted in South Africa, Ethiopia, Uganda and Nigeria. The analysis of the national security agenda of Egypt was conducted mainly through the examination of official speeches delivered at the UN General Assembly. The problem of contradictions between Egypt and Ethiopia regarding the use of the Nile River was examined through the prism of an approach based on the interdependence of water, energy and food resources. Strategic documents in the field of cybersecurity of Egypt, South Africa, Uganda and Nigeria were not ignored. Despite obvious differences in national approaches to ensuring security, the authors concluded that country strategies respond to global trends of securitizing development issues and complicating the scope of the security concept.
版权所有 © Abramova E., Zelenova D., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Post-Bipolar Middle East: Moving from Conflicts to Sustainable Development in an Emerging Multipolar World
After the collapse of the bipolar system of international relations, the contemporary macro-region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) still encompasses more than two dozen states that differ in terms of their political regimes, economic models and levels of socio-economic development. The region also experiences a variety of conflicts, divided by type into interstate, internal, and hybrid with the participation of both states and non-state actors (NSA). Furthermore, these conflicts can be categorized as territorial, ideological, political, ethnic, religious, and economic, and can vary in intensity and degree of internationalization. The contradictory nature of MENA is manifested by the parallel genesis of the foci of sustainable development, which determine the interest of states in establishing long-lasting peace. This is correlated with the significant role of MENA as a transit point in global logistics projects, such as the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative and the India - Middle East - Europe transport corridor. The uncertainty surrounding the political and military scenarios on which MENA countries depend highlights the importance of expert assessments and forecasts, which explains the relevance of the topic of the present study. The author sets out to prove the thesis that, despite the escalation of tensions and the failure of the US’s attempts to “pacify” the region on a monetary basis, mostly taking into account the interests of Israel, but not other countries, the chances of avoiding a large-scale regional war remain. Facing the transition from the unipolar to a multipolar world, this could be linked to both the sovereignization of the foreign policies of MENA countries and the diplomacy of the new global centers of power, including Russia and China. Based on a wide range of Russian and foreign sources together with his own field research data, the author applies the principle of historicism using a systemic approach and analyzing processes in retrospective dynamics. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the author, guided by the principle of the connection between theory and practice and turning to the theory of deeply divided societies (DDSs), introduces the concept of “deeply divided region” (DDR) into the scientific domain. The practical significance of the study is embodied by a few recommendations for implementing the 2023 Concept of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation.
版权所有 © Matveev I., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
ICT Security in U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Latin America: The Case of the Biden Administration’s Discourse
The issue of information and communication technology (ICT) security is becoming increasingly important in the context of international relations and foreign policy. In the present study, the authors analyze the discourse of the Joseph Biden administration in the field of international ICT security in the Latin American dimension, with the aim of identifying the underlying ideology that supports and justifies the U.S. power relations with the region. The scientific novelty of the present study lies in the integrated application of the critical discourse analysis (CDA) method, which allows examining how language practices shape ICT security perceptions and political reality. In addition, the study employs quantitative content analysis, which provides insights into attributed threats, primarily among state actors. The authors conduct the CDA at the contextual and discursive levels. The study’s extensive source base includes materials from U.S. government agencies, encompassing the period from January 2021 to November 2024. The authors critically examine the image of the United States as an agent constructing international ICT security in the Latin American dimension from the perspective of its hegemonic aspirations. The image of Latin America as a region vulnerable in the ICT space and in need of paternalism from Washington is a significant element of the U.S. discourse. At the same time, the images of China and Russia are presented as the main sources of threat to the region to justify the dominant role of the United States. In the background of American discourse, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) are presented as limited but growing threats to ICT security. These discursive practices serve as a tool to legitimize American influence and promote its strategic interests in the region.
版权所有 © Sokolshchik L., Yanikeeva I., Toropchin G., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
China’s Retaliatory Measures in the Context of the Sanctions Confrontation
In recent years, China’s sanctions regime has been taking shape, which is expressed, first, in the growing intensity and diversity of retaliatory coercive measures in response to foreign unilateral sanctions since the 2010s. The differentiation of the counter-sanction instruments of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) depending on Beijing’s motivation and their object is becoming clear. The list of triggers provoking the PRC to take countermeasures is growing, and the goals pursued with their help are multiplying. Second, since 2018, the PRC has had regulatory and legal mechanisms for introducing counter-sanctions and countering foreign sanctions. This study aims to trace the evolution of China’s counter-sanctions based on the collected database “China’s Unilateral Sanctions, 1956-2023” and offer theoretical generalizations about them that quantitatively confirm or refute the results of previous studies. The study draws on both the analysis of previous works on China’s counter-sanctions in English and Russian, about which there is no scientific consensus and only some of the conclusions are quantitatively substantiated and supported by databases, and the collection of a database and descriptive statistics methods. The novelty of the study is due to the fact that it distinguishes between the stage of active formation of China’s sanctions regime over the past 10 years and a long prehistory, during which only individual unofficial countermeasures took place: China’s boycott of participation in the Olympic Games in the 1950s - 1970s; China’s partial refusal to import from those countries whose leaders hosted the 14th Dalai Lama on an official visit in the 2000s - 2010s; consumer boycotts of foreign goods in China; and bureaucratic blockades at customs since 2008. This article lists and describes the mechanisms of action of the main counter-sanction laws of the PRC, the adoption of which was provoked by the trade war with the United States. As a result, mirror counter-sanctions of the PRC have become prevalent, applied specifically against individuals and companies and implying barriers to entry and doing business in the PRC, restrictions on investment, cooperation, trade, and freezing of assets. The author concludes that there is a “division of labor” between hidden sanctions, which maximize damage to the targeted party, and formalized sanctions, which maximize the performative impact on a third party. The latter does not replace the former but complements it.
版权所有 © Karasev D., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Russia - Saudi Arabia: Mutual Trade and “Timely Alliance” in the Context of Global Transformations
In the context of growing global instability and the fundamental transformation of the global economic system, it is becoming increasingly urgent for the Russian Federation to diversify its foreign economic relations and strengthen its geopolitical position. One of the partners whose importance to Russia is growing today is the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), which is also seeking to expand the scope of its international cooperation and stabilize domestic, regional and international processes. The objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive characterization of the trade and economic partnership between Russia and Saudi Arabia during the period 2010-2023. It is demonstrated that the Russian-Saudi partnership experienced a renaissance at this stage. Trade cooperation between the two countries has grown over the past decade, and dialogue in energy and other areas of economic and political cooperation has intensified. The regulatory framework for bilateral cooperation has been improved. Statistical methods have been used to identify the dynamics of mutual trade and the modern features of bilateral economic relations, including the high dependence of bilateral relations on the personal connections of senior management and external factors, the continued limited scope of cooperation with some growth in their areas, as well as the narrowness of the commodity range of mutual trade. Despite the progress recorded in Russian-Saudi relations during the period under study, the authors concluded that the level of these relations should not be overestimated, as their state can be defined as a “timely alliance.” Saudi Arabia, which has remained a strategic ally of the United States in the Persian Gulf for decades, is quite pragmatic and cautious about building relations with the Russian Federation. Bilateral relations continue to be influenced by both domestic, regional and global factors, as well as external actors. In particular, it is possible to impose secondary US sanctions on Saudi Arabia as a Russian trading partner. Therefore, according to the authors, the approach of the Russian Federation should be mirrored while also being more proactive in shaping goals and objectives that ensure national interests and appropriate political and economic actions.
版权所有 © Shkvarya L., Aidrous I., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Energy Diplomacy and the Formation of a “Resistance Economy” in Iran
The global energy market is undergoing profound restructuring due to changes in the dynamics of energy resource export and import flows, driven by evolving global demand, technological advancements in production, and significant geopolitical shifts. Iran, located in the geopolitically unstable Middle East and pursuing the development of a “resistance economy,” ranks among the world’s leaders in terms of oil reserves, production, and exports. In response to new international realities, the country is striving to develop an effective foreign policy aimed at safeguarding its geopolitical and economic interests. Central to this policy should be energy diplomacy. The present study aims to identify the characteristics of energy diplomacy as a key instrument in supporting the construction of a “resistance economy” in Iran. This study demonstrates that the energy diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran primarily relies on its oil and gas sectors of its economy, highlighting the importance of examining the specifics of its development planning. Methodologically, the article adopts a comprehensive approach to analyzing the multifaceted process of oil and gas industry development, which constitutes one of the pillars of Iran’s “resistance economy” and its emerging energy diplomacy. The authors focus on the strategic vision of Iran’s leadership regarding priority tasks for the development of the oil and gas sector within the broader context of achieving the country’s declared development goals. Additionally, data on production, exports, and investments in the oil and gas sector are analyzed to highlight its significance in shaping a coherent strategy for Iran’s economic development under conditions of sanction pressure. The research reveals that the formation of energy diplomacy takes place within the context of the Iranian government’s efforts to strengthen the country’s regional leadership. The article emphasizes Iran’s commitment to developing new international partnerships and achieving innovative global energy solutions, including through cooperation with the Russian Federation.
版权所有 © Belov V., Pichugin S., Ranjbar D., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The U.S. and China: Policy Approaches to Sanctions and Counter Sanctions
Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, the United States has been actively using unilateral economic measures (sanctions) against China. After the start of the normalization of political relations between the two nations in the 1970s, the number of restrictive measures decreased, covering only narrow areas of trade by the early 2000s. However, during the first term of Donald Trump’s presidency, sanctions were reintroduced into the U.S. policy arsenal towards China. Though this issue has been widely examined in academic literature, several gaps still remain in current research. China has proven to be too specific case for studies employing quantitative data on sanctions against numerous countries, and gaps continue to remain even in sources that solely analyze the Chinese case. Existing research also tends to focus only on the current political situation, while few studies explore the issue in its historical depth. By examining U.S. sanctions against the PRC, ways in which China has adapted to these sanctions, reciprocal measures taken by China, as well as the reasons for the slow escalation and de-escalation of sanctions, both at the present stage and in historical hindsight, the following research aims to fill in the remaining gaps in understanding U.S. - China sanctions. The Chinese case deviates from the established theoretical premise in existing literature that a change in the political course of the target country is a fundamental criterion for assessing the effectiveness of sanctions. However, sanctions have proven to be effective even if the above-mentioned objective is not achieved. Signaling and deterrence make up for the shortcomings in forcing a target country to change its foreign or domestic policies. The use of sanctions as a signaling tool may help explain why U.S. approaches to sanction de-escalation and escalation are cautious in nature. Drastic measures may prove to be redundant for sending political signals, while moderate actions are more suitable in this regard. The imposition of U.S. sanctions as a tool to deter China’s advancement in the high-tech sector has contributed to an increase in Beijing’s efforts to develop its own restrictive measures. The methodology utilized for this research includes an analysis of documents reflecting the U.S. sanctions policy against China and the recent countermeasures developed by the PRC.
版权所有 © Timofeev I., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Book review: Phillips, C. (2024). Battleground: 10 Conflicts that Explain the New Middle East. New Haven, London: Yale University Press, 312 p.
版权所有 © Savicheva E., Kirichko F., 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0