Editor-in-Chief: Konstantin P. Kurylev, Dr. of Sc. (Hist. Sciences), Professor ISSN: 2313-0660 (Print) ISSN: 2313-0679 (Online) Founded in 2001. Publication frequency: quarterly PUBLISHER: Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba (RUDN University) Open Access: . APC: no article processing charge Peer-Review: double blind. Publication language: Russian, English Indexation: White List, Russian Index of Science Citation, RSCI, Scopus (Q1 SJR, Cite Score; Q2 SNIP), Google Scholar, Ulrich's Periodicals Directory, ERIH PLUS, WorldCat, Cyberleninka, DOAJ, Dimensions, ResearchBib, Lens, Research4Life, JournalTOCs, British Library, Bodleian Libraries (University of Oxford), Ghent University Library
федеральное государственное автономное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Российский университет дружбы народов имени Патриса Лумумбы» (РУДН)
The right of authorship belongs to the authors of articles. The authors transfer the rights to use the article (including the use and distribution of an article in the Open Access) to the publisher of the journal on a non-exclusive license (Publishing Agreement (Public Offer)). At the same time, authors remain full rightsholders. Publishing Agreement (Public Offer) to Publish an Article in an Academic Periodical 'Vestnik of RUDN. International Relations' The Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Education "Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba” (RUDN), represented by the Vice-Rector for Scientific Work Andrey Aleksandrovich Kostin, acting under a Power of Attorney No 0036-03/21-163 dated 12.10.2021, hereinafter referred to as the Publisher, on the one hand, hereby offers to the public at large, hereinafter referred to as the Author, on the other hand, hereinafter collectively referred to as the Parties, to enter into this agreement, hereinafter referred to as the Agreement, regarding publication of scholarly materials, hereinafter referred to as the Article, in the Journal named 'Vestnik of RUDN. International Relations', hereinafter referred to as the Journal, under the following terms. 1. General Terms and Conditions 1.1. 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The Term of the Agreement 6.1. This Agreement shall become effective when concluded, i.e. when the Author Accepts the Offer by sending an application to the Publisher, that is, by uploading the Article (Article Upload), and remain in effect for five years. 6.2. The Offer Acceptance constitutes an Agreement made in writing (Articles 438 and 1286.1 of the Russian Federation Civil Code) under the Offer terms. 6.3. Unless any of the Parties sends to the other Party a written notification of the Agreement termination no later than two months prior to the end of the specified five-year period, the duration of the Publisher's copyright to the Work shall be automatically extended by the similar period. The number of extensions is not limited. 6.4. The term of the Agreement may not exceed the duration of exclusive rights to the Article pursuant to the Russian Federation legislation. 6.5. 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If the Author disagrees with any modification in the terms of this Agreement, the Author shall have a right to submit a written notice of his/her withdrawal from this Agreement by uploading it onto the network electronic system of the article acquisition for review, available at the relevant section of the Journal's site at URL: http://journals.rudn.ru/index.php/international-relations/author/submit/1 on the Internet. 7.3. This Agreement may be terminated early: at any time by mutual agreement of the Parties; or otherwise as stipulated herein. 7.4. The Author shall have a right to cancel this Agreement unilaterally by sending the Publisher a respective notice in writing at least sixty (60) calendar days prior to the intended date of the Author's Article publication in the Journal. 7.5. The termination of this Agreement for any reasons shall not release the Parties from responsibility for breach of any Agreement terms during the currency hereof. 8. Liability 8.1. 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If any disagreements remain unresolved, the Parties shall settle those at the location of the Publisher in accordance with the effective law of the Russian Federation. 10. Miscellaneous 10.1. Any notifications, messages, requests etc., excluding documents which need to be forwarded in original form pursuant to the Russian Federation legislation, shall be deemed to have been received by the Author, if delivered (sent) by the Publisher via the Journal's site, including by publishing those, by fax or e-mail specified in the Application, or using other communication facilities. The Parties acknowledge validity of notifications, messages, requests etc. delivered (sent) using the above-listed methods. 10.2. Where the Publisher becomes subject to any claims related to non-compliance with an exclusive copyright or other intellectual property right of any third party during the writing of the Article or in connection with conclusion of this Agreement by the Author, the Author undertakes to: immediately upon receipt of a Publisher's notification, take measures to settle disputes with such third party, and, where necessary, join the litigation in favor of the Publisher and use its best endeavors to exclude the Publisher from the defendants; reimburse the legal cost, expenses and loss incurred by the Publisher as a result of application of a pre-award relief and measures for execution of a judgment, and damages paid by the Publisher to any third party for the infringement of exclusive copyright and/or other intellectual property rights, as well as other expenditures incurred by the Publisher as a result of infringement by the Author of any warranties provided hereunder. 10.3. Subject to Article 6 of the Federal Law On Personal Data No. 152-FZ dated July 27, 2006, for the period from the conclusion of this Agreement and until the discharge of Parties obligations hereunder, the Author expresses his/her consent to processing of the following personal data by the Publisher: last name, first name, patronymic; taxpayers identification number (TIN); place and date of birth; citizenship details; ID document details; registration and actual location address; e-mail address; mailing address with postal code; contact phone numbers; fax numbers; and details of the employers. 10.4. The Publisher is entitled to process the above personal data for the purpose of this Agreement performance, including for provision of information and reference services to the Author. The processing of personal data shall be understood to mean any handing (operations) with personal data, including collection, systematization, accumulation, storage, refinement (update, alteration), use, distribution (including transfer to third parties), depersonalization, blocking and deletion of personal data in accordance with the effective Russian Federation legislation. 10.5. Where permitted by the Russian Federation legislation, the Author is entitled to withdraw his/her consent to processing of personal data as listed in Clause 10.3 by forwarding a respective notice to the Publisher. Upon receipt of such notice, the Publisher has a right to suspend services. 10.6. The Author will, on a goodwill basis, submit his/her details (and details of each Co-Author subject to their prior consent) to the Journal's Editorial Office consisting of his/her: last name, first name, patronymic, academic rank, academic degree, job title, employer details (name and mailing address), work phone number and e-mail address for the purpose of its general publication in the Journal along with the Article. 11. Registered Address and Particulars of the Publisher Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Education "Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba” (RUDN) Address: 6 Mikluho-Maklaya str., Moscow, 117198, Russian Federation TIN 7728073720, CRR 772801001, PSRN 1027739189323. Vice Rector for Scientific Work A.A. Kostin
Sultans, Merchants and Academicians: ‘Maritime Gujarat’ in Academic and Political Discourse
The article analyzes the contribution of the Indian academic community to the formation of the so-called ‘Gujarat narrative’, which is understood as the idea of the special role of Gujarat in the history of India, which is developed by political elites. The methodology includes elements of classical political economy, neoMarxism and historical sociology. The author rst provides a brief outline of the history of Gujarat, and then analyzes the role of intellectual elites in shaping the foundations of India’s external policy. The author argues that a new type of intellectual has emerged at the top of the Indian intelligentsia: a historian and strategist who knows the past and can predict the future. This contributed to the establishment of complex relationships between the academic community and the ruling class, as well as the academic community acquiring a distinct role that transcends that of mere servants of the political elites, a position that has traditionally been occupied by experts. Academics lay the historical and philosophical foundation for building foreign policy. Using the example of ‘maritime Gujarat,’ the author illustrates the mechanism of interaction between politicians and academics. The author identi es several stages in the development of the ‘Gujarat narrative,’ linking them to the transformation of Indian external policy imperatives, and analyzes the role of individual scholars and schools. In conclusion, the author highlights the key features that characterize the relationship between the Indian academic and political elites, and suggests using the existing historical groundwork to include the topic of historical interaction between India and Russia within the ‘Gujarat narrative’ framework.
Copyright (c) 2025 Kupriyanov A.V. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Role of Presidential Change in the Institutional Transformation of French Cultural Diplomacy in the 21st Century
Despite the growing academic interest in the field of cultural diplomacy, research of how this phenomenon evolves and transforms in one of its most prolific users, France, remains limited. A review of the literature on cultural diplomacy reveals a paucity of attention to institutional aspects, despite institutional reforms having the potential to effect transformative changes in foreign policy by altering the functionality of relevant agencies. Our study aims to close previously unaddressed research gaps and determine the relationship between the changes in presidential administration and institutional transformations in the context of cultural diplomacy. An analysis of the bureaucratic mechanisms associated with cultural diplomacy reveals that France’s institutional structure for carrying out cultural diplomacy is complex and multi-layered. Given the complexity and scope of this structure, it is not feasible to examine all the transformations in one paper. Therefore, a top-down approach has been adopted, with a focus on changes at the higher echelons of power. The present study utilizes process tracing as its methodological foundation to examine the relationship between the presidential transition in France and subsequent shifts in cultural diplomacy. The study provides evidence to support two proposed hypotheses. The first hypothesis posits that the newly elected president is capable of influencing the existing mechanisms of France’s cultural diplomacy. The second hypothesis indicates that these transformations occur due to discrepancies between the inherited structure of France’s cultural diplomacy and the updated requirements and goals of the country’s foreign policy, as well as the vision of the incumbent president or members of his team. Additionally, the study presents observations regarding the degree and scale of reforms in the context of cultural diplomacy, as well as legacy trends.
Copyright (c) 2025 Voronova P.A., Varpahovskis E. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Support for Iranian Students in the USSR by the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries at the Turn of the 1920s - 1930s
In the early 2020s, the close relationship between the Russian Federation and the Islamic Republic of Iran was signi cantly strengthened. Higher education is one of the most important areas of cooperation between two countries. Russian medical and technical universities are popular with Iranians. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that the state organization responsible for attracting foreign students is currently Rossotrudnichestvo. It is therefore necessary to consider the traditions established by its predecessor, the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS), when working with Iranian students. The present article is based on solid archival ground, relying on the unpublished documents from the VOKS les of the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF) and published documents from Iranian archives. The aim of this research is to provide a comprehensive description of VOKS’ strategy for working with potential and current students from Iran, highlighting the internal and external factors that in uence VOKS’ performance. It also sheds light on several important case studies related to the problems Iranian students faced in the USSR, including expulsions, internships, and employment. The neo-institutional approach, which emphasizes the actions of individuals within an organization, is employed to demonstrate VOKS’s place among Soviet institutions and to show how the work with Iranian students was organized and in what way this in uenced their life and the success of Soviet cultural diplomacy in Iran. Studying medicine or technical subjects was as popular with Iranians then as it is today. It is concluded that Iranian students who managed to gain support from both VOKS and diplomatic o cials from the USSR and Iran were successful. Attracting international students from Asia and Africa to Russia is relevant in the 21st century because of the “turn to the East” foreign policy strategy and the expansion and cooperation of the BRICS organization.
Copyright (c) 2025 Surkov M.Y. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Role of International Cooperation in the Implementation of SDG 3 in Latin America: The Case of the EU and China
The countries of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) have adopted the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and incorporated these goals into their development plans. The coronavirus pandemic worsened the socioeconomic situation in the region, negatively impacting the achievement of the SDGs, particularly SDG-3 (good health and well-being). The weak pace of the post-COVID recovery raised the issue of developing a regional strategy to ensure selfsu ciency in healthcare and pharmaceutical production, expanding interregional cooperation, joint scienti c research, and the use of digital technologies. Latin America has adopted the Regional Health Self-Su ciency Plan and the Sustainable Health Agenda for the Americas 2018-2030, which emphasizes the signi cance of interregional cooperation, along with the need to increase investment in healthcare infrastructure. The purpose of the article is to compare the approaches of the European Union (EU) and China in promoting the development of the healthcare system in LAC. In 2021, the EU adopted the Global Gateway strategy, thereby declaring its expanding strategic and economic interest in the region. China continued developing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), complementing it with the Health Silk Road (HSR) and the Digital Silk Road (DSR). The authors rely on the theory of power transition, the principles of historicism and scienti c objectivity, and a problem-chronological approach as their methodology. They conclude that China’s assistance to the region’s development is long-term and comprehensive, within the framework of implementing the concept of a “shared future for humanity,” while the EU is seeking to transform the emerging con guration of relations between China and the LAC region by expanding its position in renewable energy and healthcare projects. In turn, the EU is beginning to view China as a systemic threat. China’s in uence in the region is now comparable to that of the United States, and there is ongoing rivalry between the EU and the United States for control of the region. Against the backdrop of increasing defense spending by European states, this will also facilitate closer cooperation between LAC countries and China.
Copyright (c) 2025 Borzova A.Y., Borzov A.R., Piven E.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Studying the Russian Language in China: Historical Background, Current State, Problems and Prospects
The relevance of this research is underpinned by the importance of supporting and promoting the Russian language as an instrument of the Russian Federation’s humanitarian policy abroad, coupled with the strategic signi cance of the comprehensive partnership of our country with the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Against the backdrop of rapidly intensifying Russian-Chinese relations, the training of highly quali ed Chinese specialists pro cient in Russian has emerged as a critical factor for e ective cooperation in economic, scienti c, technological and cultural spheres. In this context, the purpose of this article is to evaluate the current state of Russian language education in China. In this research the authors employed a combination of general scienti c and historical methods. The foundation was formed by the historical and problem-chronological methods and approaches. The history of Russian language learning in China spans over three centuries, commencing with the establishment of the Russian Language Institution in Beijing in 1708. A peak in popularity of Russian language study occurred in the 1950s, fueled by the Soviet-Chinese alliance relations, followed by a decline during the subsequent deterioration of bilateral ties. A renewed phase of growth began after China introduced its reform and opening-up policy in 1978, gaining further momentum with the development of the strategic partnership between Russia and China at the beginning of the 21st century. At present, the Russian language maintains a stable position as one of the most sought-after foreign languages in China, trailing only English and Japanese in terms of prevalence. The Chinese Association of Teachers of the Russian Language and Literature plays a leading role in consolidating the community of Russists and providing methodological support. The authors highlight several key challenges, including the persistence of outdated teaching methodologies prioritizing grammatical accuracy over communicative competence; a de cit of contemporary teaching materials; the geographical concentration of Russian language centers in Northeast China and the limited career prospects for Russian studies graduates lacking supplementary specializations. As a viable solution, the study proposes a wider adoption of the “Language + Specialty” model. This approach cultivates specialists who possess not only Russian language pro ciency but also competencies in speci c professional elds (e.g., economics, law, technical sciences), thereby better aligning with the demands of Russian-Chinese practical cooperation.
Copyright (c) 2025 Tsvyk I.V., Tsvyk G.I. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Belt and Road Initiative: A Model of China’s Investment Cooperation with Australia and New Zealand
The large-scale Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has undergone significant expansion in recent years. In 2017, China proposed a new route including South Pacific Region (SPR) states, intended to become a “hub” for ships heading to Latin America and back. Australia and New Zealand were chosen as key partners due to their leading positions among the region’s countries and their significant influence over political processes in the SPR. The relevance of the research topic is determined by China’s growing interest in the South Pacific Region and the consequently intensifying Sino-American competition, which significantly impacts the foreign policy decisions made in Canberra and Wellington. The aim of the present study is to identify differences in the approaches in Australia’s and New Zealand’s approaches to the BRI, and the factors influencing their policies regarding the Chinese initiative. Methodologically, the research relies on a comparative analysis of investment volumes from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) into the two countries’ infrastructure projects, as well as general scientific and specific scientific methods of historical and political research, including the narrative method and case studies. The conceptual framework of the study is the theory of hegemonic stability, which allows for examining the Belt and Road Initiative as a new economic regime of an emerging hegemon - China, which seeks to attract close US partners, namely Australia and New Zealand, to its side. The author concludes that political relations do, to a certain extent, influence the volume of Chinese investments. However, despite China’s consistently stable relations with New Zealand throughout under the review period. Chinese investment volumes in Australia were significantly higher. Furthermore, no critical infrastructure project involving China was approved in New Zealand. Meanwhile, despite the significant deterioration in Sino-Australian relations and Australia’s refusal to participate in the BRI, Chinese investors made several substantial investments in the Australian economy between 2013 and 2018.
Copyright (c) 2025 Katkova E.Y. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Bridging Abundance and Access: Nigeria’s Role in the Global Energy Transformation
Energy security is examined as a key component of national stability shaped by the interplay of geographic, political, and economic factors. Particular attention is given to its manifestations in the countries of the Global South, where structural vulnerabilities intersect with the growing demands of the global energy transition. Using Nigeria - one of Africa’s largest hydrocarbon producers - as a case study, the analysis highlights a paradoxical situation: despite possessing substantial oil, natural gas, hydroelectric and solar energy reserves, the country continues to experience insu cient domestic energy supply and widespread energy poverty. This contradiction is indicative of deep-rooted institutional and infrastructural imbalances that prevent resourceexporting states from deriving sustainable developmental bene ts from their natural wealth. Existing research on energy security tends to focus on discrete dimensions, such as supply stability, a ordability, or technological modernization. However, such approaches often overlook the complex interaction of political, legal, infrastructural, and socio-economic factors that shape domestic energy access in resource-exporting economies. As a result, a signi cant research gap has emerged: insu cient attention has been paid to how countries such as Nigeria can enhance domestic energy availability while maintaining their strategic role in the global transformation of energy markets. The study places particular emphasis on inconsistencies in energy infrastructure, chronic shortages of long-term investment, and regulatory constraints hindering sustainable sectoral development. An integrated analytical framework is proposed, combining an assessment of the geopolitical dimensions of energy exports with an evaluation of domestic infrastructural capacity and a comparative analysis of other emerging resource-oriented economies. Methodologically, the research employs a mixed approach integrating quantitative and qualitative methods, including the analysis of primary and secondary data. This enables a more profound exploration of the causal linkages among resource abundance, institutional characteristics, and levels of public energy access. The ndings provide a foundation for identifying Nigeria’s strategic opportunities in fostering a just, sustainable, and inclusive energy transition - an objective of critical importance for the broader development trajectory of the African continent.
Copyright (c) 2025 Genesis K., Shiriiazdanova I.F. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The G20’s Low-Carbon Development Agenda: A Historical Perspective and Key Concepts
The article analyses the transformation of the G20 agenda on climate, energy, and just transition from the earliest summits up to 2024. The relevance of the study stems from the fact that the G20 is one of the leading institutions of global economic governance, including in the eld of climate policy. Examining the documents adopted by the leaders of member states, as well as those produced within the main ministerial cooperation tracks, makes it possible to identify the key factors and turning points in the transformation, strengthening, and expansion of the climate agenda within the institution, as well as the contradictions between members. The study employs the method of comparative analysis to assess the G20’s activities in promoting low-carbon development, as well as content analysis of the nal summit documents. The research demonstrates that the G20 plays an important role in the development of global governance in the eld of low-carbon development. At the early summits, the priority issues were sustainable, inclusive, and equitable ‘green’ growth and recovery, and the need to consider climate impacts when designing policy was emphasized. Following the adoption of the Paris Agreement in 2015, climate issues, the energy transition, and decarbonisation nancing became separate areas and independent goals of the G20, e ectively detached from the broader theme of economic growth. This approach, whereby emissions reduction is essentially separated from the need to ensure economic growth, reached its peak during Italy’s presidency in 2021, when the G7, under pressure from the European Union (EU) and the United States, which had joined forces to promote their preferred vision of climate governance, attempted to transfer its decisions to the G20 agenda. However, such an approach, in which growth and decarbonisation are treated as separate objectives, does not allow for full consideration of national contexts, as required by the Paris Agreement and previous G20 commitments. The existing contradictions within the G20, which are becoming increasingly pronounced, as well as the G7’s desire to impose its decisions and agenda on the G20, are undermining the institution’s e ectiveness and jeopardize its legitimacy and leadership in ensuring low-carbon development.
Copyright (c) 2025 Popova I.M. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Spatial Approach to Studying Regional Security in Central Asia
The article presents the results of a study that employed a spatial approach to examine the formation and evolution of national and regional security systems in Central Asia. The study introduces the concept of the density of the defense policy space as an assessment of the quality and reliability of the regulatory and practical security system and the depth of involvement of external players in its formation. The relevance of assessing the contribution of each player in establishing a regional security system lies in the fact that Central Asia is undergoing a new stage of competition between major players for in uence. The proposed package of projects by external players includes initiatives for defense cooperation and interaction in the eld of military-technical cooperation. Since gaining independence in 1991, the regional states have relied on the Russian Federation to guarantee their security. In the current climate, it is important to assess the impact of the initiatives and projects of major actors such as the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the United States, Türkiye and other major actors on the Russian-Central Asian common defense policy space. The article analyzes the region’s existing security architecture at the time of the collapse of the USSR, the risks and challenges faced by the countries during the period of independence, as well as the initiatives and mechanisms employed by regional countries and external actors to ensure security, using a spatial approach. The study’s main conclusion asserts that, after a series of crises, countries in the region ultimately formed a closed model of regional security based on security guarantees from the Russian Federation and signi cant political support from the PRC, having tested a balanced and diversi ed foreign policy defense model. Western countries have failed to secure the status of a security partner for Central Asian countries, with the exception of speci c areas of cooperation in educational, peacekeeping, and biological programs.
Copyright (c) 2025 Pritchin S.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Migration from Central Asia to the Russian Federation: The Educational Aspect
The paper analyzes the role of education in shaping the trajectories of migrants from the former Soviet republics of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan), who came to Russia for the purposes of study or employment, i.e. for labour migration or educational migration. The authors present the results of their research, conducted in 2020-2022, which applied sociological methods and involved further analysis of the data in the context of Russia’s interaction with Central Asian states. The paper consequently considers the social characteristics of the studied group, the the migrants’ level of education, the role of education in motivating them to move to Russia, and the motivation of students to enroll in Russian universities. The study also considers the migrants’ knowledge of Russian language, as well as the continuation of their language learning while already residing in Russia. Finally, the study explores the migrants’ plans regarding their further education or employment in Russia, or their native countries, or elsewhere abroad. The results of the research suggest that, while a proportion of the youth from Central Asia are somewhat committed to pursuing education in Russia, the majority of labour migrants are not interested in improving their educational level. This is despite the fact that the absence of essential knowledge invariably exerts a negative in uence on their professional skills, employment prospects, and language pro ciency, as well as on their understanding of the receiving state’s culture, legal system and traditions. The authors posit the necessity of the cultural adaptation for migrants and the need for employers to make compulsory e orts to raise their educational level, which should be organized and controlled by state authorities. The research highlights gaps that need to be lled to promote interethnic harmony and mutual understanding in the society.
Copyright (c) 2025 Muratshina K.G., Valeeva M.V. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Nepal’s Position Towards the Special Military Operation in Ukraine as a Factor of Nepalese-Russian Relations
The beginning of the Special Military Operation in Ukraine was a pivotal event in modern history, the consequences of which a ected the whole world, including South Asia. This shift could not fail to attract the attention of a wide range of researchers specializing in this region. However, their focus is primarily on the impact of new global realities on Russia’s interactions with India. Meanwhile, the small countries of the Himalayan region of South Asia remain “in the shadow.” Nepal is the main object of research in the present article. Special attention is paid to the evolution of the Himalayan state’s ties with Russia. The authors tried to explain the reasons for the low level of bilateral relations and Nepal’s critical approach to Russia’s actions in Ukraine. A special subject of the study was the participation of a signi cant number of Nepalese citizens in the SMO. India and China are the natural main exogenous actors in Nepal. The reasons why they have no e ect on Nepal’s foreign policy in relation to the Special Military Operation are of particular interest, and their disclosure is of the most serious importance for a more complete understanding of Russia’s geopolitical potential. Some recommendations were made to improve the level of bilateral relations and to prompt a potential change in Nepal’s approach to Russia’s actions in Ukraine. The conclusions of the study are based on materials from various sources. First of all, it is a regulatory framework that includes both general documents and special ones (contracts, protocols, declarations and other acts). Furthermore, the work uses statistical data (obtained from both national databases and databases of international institutions). The article uses the method of identifying the interconnections and mutual in uences between di erent facets of foreign policy, bilateral and international relations; as well as interpretation of the complex interaction of socio-economic, political and cultural development.
Copyright (c) 2025 Lunev S.I., Novinskii E.E. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Role of Mediation in Qatar’s Foreign Policy: A Case of the Afghan Conflict
The present study is of particular relevance as it seeks to demonstrate the new possibilities of crisis diplomacy for small countries, a topic that has gained additional signi cance in an increasingly unstable international situation. In recent decades, Qatar, being a small state, has acquired the status of an active actor in world politics, capable of in uencing international and regional processes. This is largely due to its reliance on mediation in the settlement of international crises and disputes. The aim of the article is to identify the speci cs of Qatar’ mediation strategy in the context of evolving regional and global geopolitical conditions and the tools that have enabled the country to quickly establish itself as a credible mediator within the international community. The scienti c novelty of the research lies in the separate study of the phenomenon of Doha’s mediation as one of the key mechanisms for enhancing Qatar’s international standing, focusing on Doha’s mediation in resolving the Afghan issue. The study relies on a historical and comparative method, discourse analysis, case study. The authors conclude that Qatar was able to gain the trust of the international community as a mediator due to its pragmatic balancing strategy, active use of its own nancial capabilities. As a new player on the international stage, the state was considered to have no hidden agenda when engaging in con ict resolution. However, the diplomatic crises of 2011-2013 and 2017-2021 undermined Qatar’s reputation as a neutral actor, forcing it to adapt its mediation strategy, as mediation of the US - Taliban negotiations demonstrated. Qatar’s e ective mediation of the US - Taliban deal has restored Doha’s credibility as an unbiased regional and global mediator and opened up new opportunities for the country to promote its in uence in global politics, neutralizing the negative e ects of the diplomatic crises.
Copyright (c) 2025 Shpakovskaya M.A., Gryzlov G.V. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Central Africa’s Security Paradox: Active International Intervention amid Protracted Conflict
Despite its considerable potential and growth rates, the African continent has not yet overcome its main challenge: con icts, which have become almost chronic in some countries. Given the tangible consequences of these con icts for both African countries and the rest of the world, establishing and maintaining peace and security in Africa remains a priority for the international community. The Central African Republic (CAR), one of the world’s poorest countries, landlocked but rich in natural resources, has experienced the full impact of endless coups, weak governance and con ict. Since the mid-1990s, more than a dozen peacekeeping operations have been conducted here. The CAR has become a kind of ‘laboratory’ for all possible types of intervention, including multidimensional stabilization operations, training, observation, advisory, military missions and peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations. The peacekeeping ‘marathon’ in the CAR involved a multitude of actors, including the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the European Union (EU), as well as individual countries, such as France and, to some extent, Russia. Despite these interventions, the domestic political situation in the country remained unstable for a long time, representing the Central African security paradox. To study this issue, the dynamics of numerous peacekeeping operations since 1997 were examined, and three main stages of international intervention were identi ed based on qualitative changes in the security situation. The present study is based on a qualitative comparative analysis, which enables to identify stable combinations of factors that determine the e ectiveness or ine ectiveness of international missions in protracted con icts. The study reveals the main reasons for the limited e ectiveness of international peacekeeping in the CAR.
Copyright (c) 2025 Kirikova T.N., Khudaykulova A.V. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Role of Civil Society in the Strategic Partnership between Brazil and the EU
The relevance of the topic stems from the growing role of civil society as a key actor in shaping bilateral relations between Brazil and the European Union (EU). In the context of global challenges, ranging from human rights protection to the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals, cooperation between nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and non-pro t associations is gaining strategic importance, while remaining insu ciently studied in the scienti c literature. It is especially important to understand how civil society in uences foreign policy decision-making, including the complex processes such as negotiations on the EU - MERCOSUR agreement. The study uses an institutional and systematic approach complemented by historical and political analysis. Methods of comparative analysis, generalization of statistical data (including that from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics, IBGE), as well as the qualitative analysis of policy documents, reports and public statements from civil society organizations and EU institutions are used. The scienti c novelty of the work lies in the comprehensive consideration of the interaction between Brazilian and EU civil societies as an independent level of international partnership. For the rst time in the Russian scienti c researches, the mechanisms of in uence of NGOs on Brazil’s foreign policy have been analyzed in such detail, including their role in suspending the rati cation of the trade agreement with the EU, and cyclical dependencies between the domestic political situation and the level of activity of the civil sector have been identi ed. The results of the study demonstrate that Brazilian civil society not only engages in dialogue with European partners through such formats as the EU - Brazil Round Table, but is also able to in uence the country’s foreign policy course. While EU support strengthens democratic institutions and promotes a “green transition,” there is also a risk of NGOs being used for external interference. In conclusion, it is emphasized that a sustainable partnership between Brazil and the EU is impossible without the involvement of civil society, which is both a resource for cooperation and a potential source of tension.
Copyright (c) 2025 Olkhovskaia V.S. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Book review: Ataman, M., & Yeşiltaş, M. (Eds.). (2024). Türkiye’s Foreign Policy: A Century of Strategic Transformation. Ankara: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi, 240 p.
Copyright (c) 2025 Belov V.I., Evgrafov A.I. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0