Editor-in-Chief: Konstantin P. Kurylev, Dr. of Sc. (Hist. Sciences), Professor ISSN: 2313-0660 (Print) ISSN: 2313-0679 (Online) Founded in 2001. Publication frequency: quarterly PUBLISHER: Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba (RUDN University) Open Access: . APC: no article processing charge Peer-Review: double blind. Publication language: Russian, English Indexation: White List, Russian Index of Science Citation, RSCI, Scopus (Q1 SJR, Cite Score; Q2 SNIP), Google Scholar, Ulrich's Periodicals Directory, ERIH PLUS, WorldCat, Cyberleninka, DOAJ, Dimensions, ResearchBib, Lens, Research4Life, JournalTOCs, British Library, Bodleian Libraries (University of Oxford), Ghent University Library
федеральное государственное автономное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Российский университет дружбы народов имени Патриса Лумумбы» (РУДН)
The right of authorship belongs to the authors of articles. The authors transfer the rights to use the article (including the use and distribution of an article in the Open Access) to the publisher of the journal on a non-exclusive license (Publishing Agreement (Public Offer)). At the same time, authors remain full rightsholders. Publishing Agreement (Public Offer) to Publish an Article in an Academic Periodical 'Vestnik of RUDN. International Relations' The Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Education "Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba” (RUDN), represented by the Vice-Rector for Scientific Work Andrey Aleksandrovich Kostin, acting under a Power of Attorney No 0036-03/21-163 dated 12.10.2021, hereinafter referred to as the Publisher, on the one hand, hereby offers to the public at large, hereinafter referred to as the Author, on the other hand, hereinafter collectively referred to as the Parties, to enter into this agreement, hereinafter referred to as the Agreement, regarding publication of scholarly materials, hereinafter referred to as the Article, in the Journal named 'Vestnik of RUDN. International Relations', hereinafter referred to as the Journal, under the following terms. 1. General Terms and Conditions 1.1. 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Subject to Article 6 of the Federal Law On Personal Data No. 152-FZ dated July 27, 2006, for the period from the conclusion of this Agreement and until the discharge of Parties obligations hereunder, the Author expresses his/her consent to processing of the following personal data by the Publisher: last name, first name, patronymic; taxpayers identification number (TIN); place and date of birth; citizenship details; ID document details; registration and actual location address; e-mail address; mailing address with postal code; contact phone numbers; fax numbers; and details of the employers. 10.4. The Publisher is entitled to process the above personal data for the purpose of this Agreement performance, including for provision of information and reference services to the Author. The processing of personal data shall be understood to mean any handing (operations) with personal data, including collection, systematization, accumulation, storage, refinement (update, alteration), use, distribution (including transfer to third parties), depersonalization, blocking and deletion of personal data in accordance with the effective Russian Federation legislation. 10.5. Where permitted by the Russian Federation legislation, the Author is entitled to withdraw his/her consent to processing of personal data as listed in Clause 10.3 by forwarding a respective notice to the Publisher. Upon receipt of such notice, the Publisher has a right to suspend services. 10.6. The Author will, on a goodwill basis, submit his/her details (and details of each Co-Author subject to their prior consent) to the Journal's Editorial Office consisting of his/her: last name, first name, patronymic, academic rank, academic degree, job title, employer details (name and mailing address), work phone number and e-mail address for the purpose of its general publication in the Journal along with the Article. 11. Registered Address and Particulars of the Publisher Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Education "Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba” (RUDN) Address: 6 Mikluho-Maklaya str., Moscow, 117198, Russian Federation TIN 7728073720, CRR 772801001, PSRN 1027739189323. Vice Rector for Scientific Work A.A. Kostin
The U. S. Shortto Medium-Range Missiles and Regional Security in Europe and the Western Pacific
One of the defining characteristics of the emerging polycentric international order is the persistence of military rivalry. The United States remains engaged in political and military competition with both the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Russian Federation. The demise of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF Treaty) has provided Washington with the possibility of adding another instrument of power projection to its arsenal: land-based missiles with ranges between 500 and 5,500 kilometers. This category of weapons has both advantages and disadvantages. In the author’s view, the central problem regarding post-INF missiles today lies less in the stabilizing or destabilizing effects of their deployment in Europe and the western Pacific than in how the U. S. leadership will interpret events once these missiles are actually fielded. This study aims to identify the possible consequences of deploying U. S. intermediate-range missiles in Europe and the western part of the Pacific Ocean. The theoretical framework of the research is the deterrence theory. The originality of the proposed approach to the INF issue is that it makes it possible to examine the widest possible range of potential scenarios in the event of deployment, and to clarify how this ensemble of scenarios may be perceived by the U. S. administration. The primary research method employed is modelling. The analysis focuses on the possible actions of both sides during a crisis between the United States and Russia, as well as between the United States and China. The comparative method is used to juxtapose the doctrinal provisions of these states regarding the employment of non-nuclear weapons. The modelling of likely crisis situations demonstrates that, at each stage of escalation, there are both real risks of further deterioration and opportunities for de-escalation and settlement. It is plausible that non-nuclear intermediate-range missiles may become, for the United States, an important instrument for waging a limited armed conflict with a nuclear-armed state at the pre-nuclear level. By operating on the brink of major war, such missiles could compel adversaries to make political concessions.
Copyright (c) 2026 Krivolapov O.O. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Türkiye’s Nuclear Nonproliferation Policy: History and Prospects
The relevance of the topic lies in the increasing role of nuclear weapons in international relations, both as a political and military tool and as a means of exerting influence and engaging in confrontation. It also lies in the erosion of the legal regime for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Türkiye, while officially a non-nuclear state, is a NATO member and has nuclear weapons and missile defense radars on its territory. This article aims to explore Ankara’s policy and its prospects in the field of nuclear non-proliferation (NWF). The scientific novelty of the study is to examine the historical foundations of Turkish nuclear defense policy, to identify a set of factors influencing Ankara’s policy, and to identify its three main areas - tactical nuclear weapons, the American/European missile defense system, and the peaceful atom. The scientific problem is considered within the framework of neorealism based on the problem-chronological approach, the principles of dialectics, objectivity, and the historiographical tradition. Traditional historical methods, such as retrospective, concrete historical, and comparative historical methods, were employed. It is concluded that at present time, the issue of Türkiye’s official launch of its own nuclear program is not on the agenda, as it may provoke a regional arms race, in which Türkiye will be in a position of catching up with regional actors such as Iran and Israel. In this regard, Türkiye is interested in preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons and, in general, adheres to the nuclear non-proliferation regime, having signed international treaties in this area. At the same time, Türkiye is an important element of the NATO collective security system, and its position on the issue of nuclear weapons largely depends on its membership in this organization.
Copyright (c) 2026 Kashirina T.V., Tsibenko V.V. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Initiation of Interstate Armed Conflicts and Military Rule
This study examines the relationship between military rule and the initiation of interstate wars. The prevailing view in academic literature holds that the involvement of the military in political power increases the frequency of armed conflicts between states. This paper aims to empirically test whether military governments are indeed more likely to initiate interstate wars compared to other types of autocracies, and to assess the validity of the claim that military dictatorships are more prone than military regimes to initiating interstate armed conflicts and wars. To this end, a list of armed interstate conflicts from 1946 to 2007 was compiled, and the initiator states were categorized by their political regime type to identify potential correlations. Conflict data were drawn from the Correlates of War project. For the purpose of this study, a list of 38 interstate conflicts occurring between 1946 and 2007 was compiled, and the political regime type of each conflict initiator was identified. The findings suggest that, in general, authoritarian regimes initiate more interstate conflicts than democracies. Compared to other types of autocracy, military rule does not rank first in the initiation of interstate wars; instead, it is typically preceded by personalist dictatorships. The study distinguishes between military dictatorships and military regimes. A military dictatorship is a form of military rule in which the head of state or president is a career military officer who comes to power through the overthrow of a civilian government-i.e., via a military coup. Its key distinction from a military regime lies in the absence of a collegial governing body. A military regime represents a more institutionalized form of military rule. It has been established that military dictatorships initiate wars and armed interstate conflicts more frequently than military regimes, a difference attributed to the presence of checks and balances in the form of a military government junta acting as a collegial authority. The initiation of international conflict by military authorities coincides with the existence of a territorial dispute between the states involved. The findings of this study significantly contribute to understanding the escalation and potential resolution of international conflicts.
Copyright (c) 2026 Mukhametov R.S. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Global South Partnership for Sustainable Development: China - CELAC Cooperation on Food Security
The article analyzes the development of cooperation between China and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) in the field of food security within the broader context of the Global South’s international structures. As one of the world’s largest agricultural exporters, Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) represents a strategic partner for China, which over the past two decades has actively sought to diversify its external supplies and reduce the risks of one-sided dependence on traditional partners. The authors examine the evolution of the agrifood dialogue, the institutionalization of cooperation, and the formation of multilevel platforms (the China - CELAC Forum, specialized ministerial meetings, working groups, etc.), as well as the dynamics of trade and investment in the agricultural sector. Methodologically, the study draws on political economy and institutional approaches and employs the concept of the Global South. The theoretical framework incorporates liberal institutionalism and the theory of complex interdependence. Case study and process-tracing methods are applied to the China - CELAC relationship, alongside document analysis and descriptive statistics on trade and investment. The paper also explores the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on regional agrifood systems and the evolution of China’s food security policy, including the shift from the concept of grain self-sufficiency to the new “expanded food” doctrine, as well as the transformation of China’s approach to global food chains. The article identifies a new partnership model in which China views CELAC countries not only as an important source of raw materials, but also as a platform for technological, institutional, and investment innovation in the food sector. It concludes that a sustainable model of South - South cooperation is emerging - one capable of promoting sustainable development and adaptation to global challenges. The study further identifies the mechanisms for institutionalizing agrifood dialogue between the actors under consideration, assesses the achievements of this dialogue during the first decade of the Forum, and outlines prospects for further deepening cooperation in the global fight against hunger and food inequality.
Copyright (c) 2026 Volosyuk O.V., Kozylov I.S. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Applicability of International Humanitarian Law to Cyber Operations: A Review of Russian and Western Approaches
The relevance of this study stems from the fact that cyber operations have become an integral element of contemporary armed conflicts, while the applicability of international humanitarian law (IHL) to the digital environment remains contested and is only partially regulated. In practice, this is reflected by the lack of well-established criteria for classifying specific cyber operations as an “attack,” a “use of force,” or as unfriendly yet formally lawful conduct. Given the transboundary nature of information and communication technologies, the anonymity of actors, and the involvement of non-state entities, there is still no common approach to qualifying cyber activities or protecting civilian infrastructure, which complicates the development of a coordinated international response to cyber incidents. The problem is further exacerbated by the fact that many cyber operations do not cause physical destruction, but rather result in a loss of functionality of systems, calling into question traditional understandings of violence and harm under IHL. The methodology of the study combines a comparative legal analysis of official national positions, United Nations documents, and specialized doctrinal sources, with a systematic interpretation of IHL norms as applied to new forms of armed confrontation. The research employs doctrinal legal analysis, content analysis of governmental doctrines and expert commentaries, as well as elements of case studies focusing on representative cyber incidents, including operations targeting critical infrastructure and dual-use information systems. This article contributes to the literature by providing an integrated examination of three pivotal dimensions of the application of IHL to cyber operations: digital sovereignty, the classification of cyberattacks, and the distinction between military and civilian objectives in cyberspace. For the first time within a single analytical framework, it juxtaposes Russian and Western approaches to sovereignty in the digital domain, to the thresholds for qualifying cyber activities as “attacks,” and to the legal status of data and dual-use objects for humanitarian protection purposes. The findings demonstrate that divergent national approaches to digital sovereignty and attribution impede the development of common criteria for applying the IHL principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution to cyber operations that do not involve physical destruction. The article therefore argues for clarifying the status of data as objects protected under IHL and for adapting traditional categories of military and civilian objectives to the operating conditions of critical information infrastructure.
Copyright (c) 2026 Kozyulin V.B. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Role of Culture in China’s Strategic Communication
This article examines the Chinese approach to understanding strategic communication (SC) and its relevance in the context of globalization. Cultural values and traditions are becoming important tools for creating a positive image of China, especially in the face of competition with the West. Modern challenges require China to adapt its strategic communication. Culture can serve as the basis for addressing these challenges. The study is based on structural realism, which emphasizes the anarchic nature of the international system. It argues that China should use its cultural heritage to develop its own unique approach to SC, rather than simply copying Western models. Within the framework of this theory, China’s foreign policy is examined through such concepts as “peaceful development,” “soft power,” the Community of Shared Future for Mankind, and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which are aimed at strengthening China’s position in the international arena. The methodology used includes comparative and discourse analysis to demonstrate how cultural tools contribute to the formation of China’s strategic communication. The novelty of this article lies in identifying the foundations of China’s SC and key cultural values. The importance of integrating Chinese culture into SC as a key tool for enhancing soft power is explained. The article outlines important milestones in the development of soft power, focusing on socialist culture. The driver of increasing interest in strategic culture under Xi Jinping is identified. Attention is also given to attempts to promote an alternative model of international governance, primarily through the BRI and the Community of Shared Future for Mankind. The value dimensions of the Western and Chinese models are also presented. The article identifies cultural characteristics of China’s soft power, challenges, and adaptations to it in the context of differences in values within the country, criticism from Western countries, and the rapid development of internet platforms and AI technologies. The authors conclude that strategic culture (propaganda) plays an important role in the development of strategic communication both domestically and internationally.
Copyright (c) 2026 Zabella A.A., Kong X. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Instruments of “Soft Power” of the USA, China and Russia in Latin America in the Context of Multipolar World Order Formation
The article examines the modern tools of the “soft power” policy of the USA, Russia and China in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), considering the economic, political, humanitarian, cultural, diplomatic, historical context of cooperation in the region. The relevance of the study is conditioned by the increasing popularity of the “soft power” ideas in the era of the world order transformation, a phenomenon that is required around the world, including in the LAC countries, where there is a strong competition for influence. The purpose of this work is to identify and analyze the contemporary effective “soft power” tools employed by key actors in Latin Caribbean America in the context of multipolarity. The main sources for analysis encompass modern monographs, scientific articles, materials from analytical centers, speeches delivered by officials. Methodologically, the work is based on comparative, statistical and synthetic analyses. It is revealed that with the activity and aggressiveness of the “soft power” of China, which forms the image of a reliable and gratuitous investor, the United States maintains high authority in the field of politics, economics and culture, albeit with methods of influence that are sometimes destructive. In 2025, Washington began actively using “hard power,” which has not yet made it easier to oust China and Russia from the region. As demonstrated by the statistical assessment of public opinion, there has been a decline in the reputation of the Russian Federation in South America since the start of the Special Military Operation. However, at the same time, Latin America is helping to restore Russia’s status as a world power. The Russian Federation is creating an image as a builder of a just, equality-based and value-based multipolar order. Not being associated with neo-colonialism, the country successfully operates with cultural, diplomatic and humanitarian “soft power” and it has potential in other areas. That is why the United States is trying to restrict the work of Russian media in LAC. Common promising and effective modern tools of “soft power” in Latin America in the era of multipolarization include economic tools, mass media, space diplomacy tools, high technologies, public and digital diplomacy.
Copyright (c) 2026 Lityagina E.A., Klimova K.M. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
‘Falling Backward’, or How Crises Affect Integration: The EU and the Energy Crisis
This paper investigates the applicability of the concept of ‘falling forward’ to crisis management in the European Union. An idea central to the literature is that the EU draws upon crisis situations to enhance its power and influence, as member states are willing to delegate further competencies to EU organs in order to collectively solve pressing problems. The assumption that crisis situations lead to an increase in the power of the supranational entity has been the subject of multiple studies, yet, the long-term impact of this process, which takes place with minimal public accountability, has been largely neglected. We seek to go beyond the short-term effects of crises on integration, to determine how shock events impact integration structures in the long run. A mixed methods inquiry, based on 102 survey responses and 15 interviews with EU experts, triangulated with Eurobarometer results, reveals that accelerated integration can foster dissatisfaction, bringing about a surge in elections of extremist and Eurosceptic parties. These political changes could pose a significant threat to EU integration and may cause the union to ‘fall backward’ rather than ‘forward’, as is systematically predicted in the existing academic literature. The case-study of the 2022 energy crisis in the EU confirms that the regional organisation does indeed gain in power and influence as it works to manage and mitigate the repercussions of a crisis but that this strengthening gives rise to new challenges for the union. This paper yields novel theoretical insights into the spill-over process (including the original concept of ‘falling backward’) and the functioning of regional organisations as complex polities.
Copyright (c) 2026 Baykov A.A., Crowley-Vigneau A.S., Kalyuzhnova Y. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Mechanisms for Legitimizing Interventions in Spain’s Foreign Policy
The “end of history” proclaimed at the close of the 20th century, alongside the rise of the humanitarian agenda, globalization, and the redistribution of centers of power, has significantly influenced the reorganization of the post-bipolar world order. A key focus has been the discourse on whether states may violate the sovereign borders of another in order to prevent mass civilian casualties. This study examines illegitimate military interventions involving Spain, initiated and led by the United States, and the factors that influenced Spain’s decisions to join military campaigns not sanctioned by the UN Security Council. By identifying the distinctive approaches to the use of force within realism, liberalism, and structuralism, and by incorporating insights from the behavioral approach to international relations, the article analyzes the evolution of foreign policy decision-making in democratic Spain. Using Spain’s first humanitarian interventions in Kosovo (1999) and Iraq (2003) as case studies, it reconstructs the opportunistic and structural factors that shaped the political decisions to deploy Spanish troops to these countries in violation of international law. The study concludes that support from civil society and inter-party consensus remain crucial for Spain when deciding whether to participate in interventions. The goals of such interventions must be consistent with considerations of responsibility for peace, rather than a demonstration of force that risks escalation and regional destabilization.
Copyright (c) 2026 Andreeva A.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
BRICS and the Transformation of the Global Order: Academic Approaches and Interpretations
In recent years, the BRICS group has undergone profound transformations, including the expansion of its membership, the establishment of alternative global financial institutions, and the diminishing role of the dollar in intrabloc settlements. However, this rapid evolution has also revealed pre-existing challenges and generated new constraints on multilateral cooperation among member states. Despite these obstacles, it is evident that BRICS has undoubtedly become a major driver in the ongoing transformation of the global order. As a result, forecasts regarding the association’s future, ranging from strongly optimistic to alarmist, have proliferated, while its nature and long-term objectives continue to be interpreted in diverse ways. The present study aims to identify the key themes and trends in academic literature on BRICS, and analyze how scholars conceptualize its development within the broader context of global order transformation. Using both qualitative and quantitative content analysis, the research examines peer-reviewed journal articles and monographs published between 2023 and April 2025. The findings reveal the absence of a unified scholarly perspective on BRICS’ evolution. Publications authored by researchers from non-Western countries outnumber those from Western academia. Differences in analytical approaches depend largely on the focus of research-whether it addresses individual member states or BRICS as a whole-and on the disciplinary lens, encompassing economic, political, or cultural-humanitarian dimensions. The topics attracting the greatest scholarly attention include BRICS financial and trade integration, the establishment of non-Western financial mechanisms, de-dollarization, the development of instruments for mutual settlements, and the use of new technologies to enhance economic governance. The persistent challenges experienced by the region are multifaceted, encompassing disparities in economic and political capacities, divergent national interests, bilateral tensions, and the growing difficulty of achieving consensus amid continued expansion. The most promising areas of potential lie in expanding intra-BRICS trade, strengthening non-dollar payment frameworks, and increasing the group’s influence in key sectors of the global economy such as energy, agriculture, and the extraction of strategic resources, including rare earth elements.
Copyright (c) 2026 Aleshin A.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Empowering Women in Mediation and Negotiation in the Great Lakes Region of Africa: A Problem Statement
Prolonged conflicts have been experienced in almost half of the countries in the Great Lakes region. Despite the robust efforts of mediators and peacemakers, peace processes aimed at resolving these conflicts have not been successful. The relevance of this research stems from the UN’s introduction of a gender perspective into peacekeeping architecture over the past two decades, as well as the increasing role of women not only in peace and security, but also in mediation, negotiation and preventive diplomacy. Based on an interdisciplinary, historical and structural-functional approach, this article aims to identify the role of women as facilitators in mediation and negotiation processes in the Great Lakes region of Africa. In addition, the authors used a case study method to investigate the role of women in negotiations and mediations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and to identify challenges to the peace process, as well as the method of analysis of the official UN documents and data, analytical reports of international organizations. The results obtained made it possible to establish that, despite possessing certain attributes that are critical for the successful outcome of peace processes, women are often sidelined from these processes. Women can participate in the entire peace process or in specific phases of negotiation and mediation. Major findings of the research are that women should be empowered by states, conflict parties and supporters to become mediators or negotiators. It is generally recommended that this empowerment should include the development of skills in mediation and negotiation, thereby facilitating effective contributions to the success of peace process outcomes. This experience can be scaled up and used in crisis management in other African states, which will make it possible to implement successfully the recommendations contained in the UNSC resolution 1325.
Copyright (c) 2026 Kiamba A., Bokeriya S.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Conflict Potential of International Politics: A Media Geographical Research of the European Mental Space
The article presents the results of a media geographic research of the European mental space. The theoretical and methodological tools of media geography as a new direction in humanitarian research are adapted by the author to study the mental landscapes of different countries that are transforming in the context of digital reality and the mediatization of all spheres of public life. This study focuses on analyzing Europeans’ interests in the field of international relations. The empirical basis of the study is the statistics of Internet users’ requests in European countries on topics substantively related to international politics. The research methodology involved implementing different methods (rank analysis, factor analysis, cluster analysis) in a space-time coordinate system. Rank analysis revealed which topics of international politics Europeans are most interested in, and how they feel about them. Based on the study results, several factors were identified that characterize the Internet users’ behavior of different European countries in relation to events and processes in the international field. Cluster analysis illustrated the similarities and differences in Europeans’ reactions to potential international conflicts. The study’s findings enabled us to draw several conclusions that classify European countries according to their priorities when reacting to current international crises: the first group includes Sweden, France, Great Britain, Belgium and Spain, whose Internet audiences are focused on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict; the second group consists of Serbia, Finland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, with a focus on political processes involving Russia. Interpretation of the obtained results makes it possible to form ideas about conflict zones in the European mental landscape in the context of international relations, which can become the basis for predicting the social behavior of the population of European countries and the nature of Europeans’ response to international politics.
Copyright (c) 2026 Yakova T.S. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Book review: Pacheco Pacífico, A. M. C. (2022). Environmentally Internally Displaced Persons in the Northeastern Backlands of Brazil: A Case Study. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 204 p.
Copyright (c) 2026 Morgunova O.A., Ogbajie M.U. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Book review: Garlick, J. (2025). Evolution in International Relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 86 p.
Copyright (c) 2026 Gutorov V.A., Shirinyants A.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Book review: Hard, I. K., & Kanbergs, D. J. (Eds.). (2023). A US Pivot Away from the Middle East: Fact or Fiction? Washington, DC: Arab Center Washington DC, Inc., 194 p.
Copyright (c) 2026 Kirichko F.A. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0