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<article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/" article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.2" xml:lang="en"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="en">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Вестник Российского университета дружбы народов. Серия: Международные отношения</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn publication-format="print">2313-0660</issn><issn publication-format="electronic">2313-0679</issn><publisher><publisher-name xml:lang="en">федеральное государственное автономное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Российский университет дружбы народов имени Патриса Лумумбы» (РУДН)</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">46269</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22363/2313-0660-2025-25-3-538-552</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="edn">YEDXGD</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКИЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="zh"><subject>国际经济关系</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="article-type"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title xml:lang="en">The U.S. and China: Policy Approaches to Sanctions and Counter Sanctions</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>США - КНР: политика санкций и контрсанкций</trans-title></trans-title-group><trans-title-group xml:lang="zh"><trans-title/></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1676-2221</contrib-id><contrib-id contrib-id-type="spin">3517-3084</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Timofeev</surname><given-names>Ivan N.</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Тимофеев</surname><given-names>Иван Николаевич</given-names></name><name xml:lang="zh"><surname></surname><given-names></given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>PhD (Political Science), Associate Professor, Department of Political Theory</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>кандидат политических наук, доцент кафедры политической теории</p></bio><email>itimofeev@russiancouncil.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff1"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">MGIMO University</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">МГИМО МИД России</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="zh"></institution></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2025-10-02" publication-format="electronic"><day>02</day><month>10</month><year>2025</year></pub-date><volume>25</volume><issue>3</issue><issue-title xml:lang="en">Celebrating the 70th Anniversary of the Bandung Conference: The Evolving Role of Asian and African Countries in World Politics</issue-title><issue-title xml:lang="ru">Отмечая 70-летие Бандунгской конференции: эволюция роли стран Азии и Африки в мировой политике</issue-title><fpage>538</fpage><lpage>552</lpage><history><date date-type="received" iso-8601-date="2025-10-03"><day>03</day><month>10</month><year>2025</year></date></history><permissions><copyright-statement xml:lang="en">Copyright ©; 2025, Timofeev I.N.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="ru">Copyright ©; 2025, Тимофеев И.Н.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="zh">Copyright ©; 2025, Timofeev I.</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2025</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Timofeev I.N.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Тимофеев И.Н.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="zh">Timofeev I.</copyright-holder><ali:free_to_read xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/"/><license><ali:license_ref xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0</ali:license_ref></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/46269">https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/46269</self-uri><abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, the United States has been actively using unilateral economic measures (sanctions) against China. After the start of the normalization of political relations between the two nations in the 1970s, the number of restrictive measures decreased, covering only narrow areas of trade by the early 2000s. However, during the first term of Donald Trump’s presidency, sanctions were reintroduced into the U.S. policy arsenal towards China. Though this issue has been widely examined in academic literature, several gaps still remain in current research. China has proven to be too specific case for studies employing quantitative data on sanctions against numerous countries, and gaps continue to remain even in sources that solely analyze the Chinese case. Existing research also tends to focus only on the current political situation, while few studies explore the issue in its historical depth. By examining U.S. sanctions against the PRC, ways in which China has adapted to these sanctions, reciprocal measures taken by China, as well as the reasons for the slow escalation and de-escalation of sanctions, both at the present stage and in historical hindsight, the following research aims to fill in the remaining gaps in understanding U.S. - China sanctions. The Chinese case deviates from the established theoretical premise in existing literature that a change in the political course of the target country is a fundamental criterion for assessing the effectiveness of sanctions. However, sanctions have proven to be effective even if the above-mentioned objective is not achieved. Signaling and deterrence make up for the shortcomings in forcing a target country to change its foreign or domestic policies. The use of sanctions as a signaling tool may help explain why U.S. approaches to sanction de-escalation and escalation are cautious in nature. Drastic measures may prove to be redundant for sending political signals, while moderate actions are more suitable in this regard. The imposition of U.S. sanctions as a tool to deter China’s advancement in the high-tech sector has contributed to an increase in Beijing’s efforts to develop its own restrictive measures. The methodology utilized for this research includes an analysis of documents reflecting the U.S. sanctions policy against China and the recent countermeasures developed by the PRC.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="ru"><p>С момента образования Китайской Народной Республики (КНР) в 1949 г. США активно применяли против Китая односторонние экономические меры (санкции). После начала нормализации политических отношений между двумя странами в 1970-х гг. объем ограничительных мер снижался, к началу 2000-х гг. охватывая лишь узкие сферы торговли. Однако уже в первый срок президентства Д. Трампа санкции вернулись в арсенал американской политики в отношении Китая. Проблема получила глубокую рефлексию в научной литературе, однако в ней остается ряд пробелов. Китай оказался слишком специфическим случаем для исследований, которые использовали количественные данные о санкциях против множества стран. Пробелы сохраняются и в источниках, которые анализируют только китайский случай. Здесь наметилась концентрация на текущей политической конъюнктуре, поскольку лишь немногие исследования изучают вопрос в исторической глубине. Заполнение указанных пробелов является целью данной статьи. Рассмотрены ключевые направления политики санкций США против КНР, способы адаптации Китая к американским санкциям и его ответные меры, причины медленной эскалации и деэскалации санкций как на современном этапе, так и в исторической ретроспективе. Случай Китая отклоняется от сложившейся в литературе теоретической посылки о том, что изменение политического курса страны-мишени является базовым критерием эффективности санкций. Выявлено, что они могут оставаться функциональными даже в том случае, если данная задача не решается. Сигнализирование и сдерживание компенсируют недостатки в области принуждения страны-мишени к изменению своей внешней или внутренней политики. Использование санкций как сигнального инструмента может объяснить, почему деэскалация и эскалация санкций со стороны США носит осторожный характер. Резкие шаги избыточны для направления политических сигналов, тогда как умеренные действия вполне подходят для такой функции. Применение санкций как инструмента сдерживания Китая в области высоких технологий приводит к наращиванию усилий Пекина по разработке собственных ограничительных мер. Методология исследования базируется на анализе документов, отражающих политику санкций США против Китая и ответные меры КНР.</p></trans-abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="zh"/><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>financial sanctions</kwd><kwd>unilateral restrictive measures</kwd><kwd>export control</kwd><kwd>enforcement</kwd><kwd>escalation</kwd><kwd>effectiveness of sanctions</kwd><kwd>U.S. - China relations</kwd><kwd>containment</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>финансовые санкции</kwd><kwd>односторонние ограничительные меры</kwd><kwd>экспортный контроль</kwd><kwd>принудительные меры</kwd><kwd>эскалация</kwd><kwd>эффективность санкций</kwd><kwd>американо-китайские отношения</kwd><kwd>сдерживание</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group/></article-meta><fn-group/></front><body></body><back><ref-list><ref id="B1"><label>1.</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Andersen, J. (2024). The lawfulness of unilateral sanctions in the wake of a US - China “sanctions war”. 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