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<article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/" article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.2" xml:lang="en"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="en">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Вестник Российского университета дружбы народов. Серия: Международные отношения</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn publication-format="print">2313-0660</issn><issn publication-format="electronic">2313-0679</issn><publisher><publisher-name xml:lang="en">федеральное государственное автономное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Российский университет дружбы народов имени Патриса Лумумбы» (РУДН)</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">41030</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22363/2313-0660-2024-24-3-439-449</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="edn">YSYTJA</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>BILATERIAL RELATIONS</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ДВУСТОРОННИЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="zh"><subject>双方关系</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="article-type"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title xml:lang="en">Myanmar’s Role in China’s Belt and Road Initiative</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Роль Мьянмы в китайской инициативе «Пояс и путь»</trans-title></trans-title-group><trans-title-group xml:lang="zh"><trans-title/></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2701-3533</contrib-id><contrib-id contrib-id-type="spin">5707-5500</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Mosyakov</surname><given-names>Dmitry V.</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Мосяков</surname><given-names>Дмитрий Валентинович</given-names></name><name xml:lang="zh"><surname></surname><given-names></given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Dr. of Sc. (History), Professor, Head, the Center for the Study of Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>доктор исторических наук, профессор, руководитель Центра изучения Юго-Восточной Азии</p></bio><email>mosyakov.d@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4463-880X</contrib-id><contrib-id contrib-id-type="spin">5857-3760</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Shpakovskaya</surname><given-names>Marina A.</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Шпаковская</surname><given-names>Марина Анатольевна</given-names></name><name xml:lang="zh"><surname></surname><given-names></given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Dr. of Sc. (History), Professor, Department of Theory and History of International Relations</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>доктор исторических наук, профессор, профессор кафедры теории и истории международных отношений</p></bio><email>shpakovskaya-ma@rudn.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4944-115X</contrib-id><contrib-id contrib-id-type="spin">5858-3578</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Ponka</surname><given-names>Tatiana I.</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Понька</surname><given-names>Татьяна Ивановна</given-names></name><name xml:lang="zh"><surname></surname><given-names></given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>PhD (History), Associate Professor, Department of Theory and History of International Relations</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>кандидат исторических наук, доцент, доцент кафедры теории и истории международных отношений</p></bio><email>ponka-ti@rudn.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff1"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">Institute of Oriental Studies, RAS</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">Институт востоковедения РАН</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="zh"></institution></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff2"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">RUDN University</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">Российский университет дружбы народов</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="zh"></institution></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2024-10-15" publication-format="electronic"><day>15</day><month>10</month><year>2024</year></pub-date><volume>24</volume><issue>3</issue><issue-title xml:lang="en">China’s Global Strategy</issue-title><issue-title xml:lang="ru">Глобальная стратегия КНР</issue-title><fpage>439</fpage><lpage>449</lpage><history><date date-type="received" iso-8601-date="2024-10-08"><day>08</day><month>10</month><year>2024</year></date></history><permissions><copyright-statement xml:lang="en">Copyright ©; 2024, Mosyakov D.V., Shpakovskaya M.A., Ponka T.I.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="ru">Copyright ©; 2024, Мосяков Д.В., Шпаковская М.А., Понька Т.И.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="zh">Copyright ©; 2024, Mosyakov D., Shpakovskaya M., Ponka T.</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2024</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Mosyakov D.V., Shpakovskaya M.A., Ponka T.I.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Мосяков Д.В., Шпаковская М.А., Понька Т.И.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="zh">Mosyakov D., Shpakovskaya M., Ponka T.</copyright-holder><ali:free_to_read xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/"/><license><ali:license_ref xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0</ali:license_ref></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/41030">https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/41030</self-uri><abstract xml:lang="en"><p style="text-align: justify;">This study examines the importance of Myanmar for the formation of a Sino-centric macro-region through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The authors rely on the transit of power theory that helps to analyze systemic imperatives and internal characteristics of China’s foreign policy. The authors applied the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliability. In the first part of the work, the Chinese Belt and Road initiative is studied as a geostrategic tool of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The authors consider the features of its development and the strategic results of its implementation. In particular, the article emphasizes that this initiative is aimed at the formation of a Sino-centric macro-regional space. Based on this, the role of Myanmar is characterized as essential. The geographical location of this state allows China to gain access to the Indian Ocean, a transit region for energy resources, as well as to overcome one of the strategic vulnerabilities of its geopolitical position - the ‘Malacca dilemma.’ Moreover, as a border state, Myanmar is an indispensable link in the implementation of land and gas energy transport corridors of macro-regional importance. Finally, in the context of strategic competition between the United States and China, the importance of ensuring stability in critical proximity to the PRC’s state borders is growing, especially in the absence of a stable internal state situation in Myanmar. Among the additional factors, the authors highlight the importance of the mood of state and local elites for the development of this initiative. In this regard, the analysis of China’s reaction to the military coup in Myanmar in February 2021 was particularly indicative that Myanmar is of key importance because of its strategic location between China and the Indian Ocean, as well as its resource potential.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="ru"><p style="text-align: justify;">Рассмотрено значение Мьянмы для формирования китаецентричного макрорегиона посредством инициативы «Пояса и пути». Авторы опираются на теорию транзита власти, которая позволяет объяснить механизмы происходящей смены глобального лидерства в мировой системе и связанные с этим региональные процессы. Исследование построено на принципах историзма, научной объективности и достоверности. В первой части изучена китайская инициатива «Пояс и путь» как геостратегический инструмент КНР. Проанализированы особенности ее развития и стратегические результаты ее реализации. В частности, подчеркивается, что данная инициатива направлена на формирование китаецентричного макрорегионального пространства. Во второй части рассмотрены роль и место Мьянмы в рамках китайской инициативы «Пояса и пути». Подчеркивается, что Мьянма, будучи пограничным государством, является незаменимым элементом в реализации сухопутных и энергетических транспортных коридоров макрорегионального значения. Географическое расположение этого государства позволяет Китаю обеспечить выход в Индийский океан, являющийся транзитным регионом для энергоресурсов, а также преодолеть одну из стратегических уязвимостей своего геополитического положения - «Малаккскую дилемму». В условиях стратегической конкуренции США и КНР повышается важность обеспечения стабильности в критической близости от государственных границ КНР, особенно в условиях отсутствия стабильного внутригосударственного положения в Мьянме. Среди дополнительных факторов авторы уделяют внимание значению настроений государственных и местных элит для развития данной инициативы. Особенно показательным в данной связи стал анализ реакции Китая на военный переворот в Мьянме, произошедший в феврале 2021 г. По идеологическим и дипломатическим причинам, а также благодаря реалистичному пониманию политического баланса сил в Мьянме Пекин открыто демонстрирует поддержку военного режима. Авторы приходят к выводу, что КНР рассматривает Мьянму в качестве ключевого элемента своей политической и торгово-экономической деятельности в Юго-Восточной Азии.</p></trans-abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="zh"/><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>trade and economic cooperation</kwd><kwd>investments</kwd><kwd>Sino-centric order</kwd><kwd>military coup</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>торгово-экономическое сотрудничество</kwd><kwd>инвестиции</kwd><kwd>китаецентричный порядок</kwd><kwd>военный переворот</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group/></article-meta></front><body></body><back><ref-list><ref id="B1"><label>1.</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Ahamed, A., Rahman, M. S., &amp; Hossain, N. (2020). China - Myanmar bilateral relations: An analytical study of some geostrategic and economic issues. Journal of Public Administration and Governance, 10(3), 321-343. https://doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v10i3.17704</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Ананьин М. 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