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<article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/" article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.2" xml:lang="en"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="en">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Вестник Российского университета дружбы народов. Серия: Международные отношения</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn publication-format="print">2313-0660</issn><issn publication-format="electronic">2313-0679</issn><publisher><publisher-name xml:lang="en">федеральное государственное автономное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Российский университет дружбы народов имени Патриса Лумумбы» (РУДН)</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">41027</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22363/2313-0660-2024-24-3-403-416</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="edn">YPEEWK</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИСТОРИЯ МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="zh"><subject>双方关系历史</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="article-type"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title xml:lang="en">Soviet-American and Soviet-Chinese Relations under Y.V. Andropov: An Analysis</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Советско-американские и советско-китайские отношения при Ю.В. Андропове: опыт анализа</trans-title></trans-title-group><trans-title-group xml:lang="zh"><trans-title/></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3075-7894</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Li</surname><given-names>Yinan</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Ли</surname><given-names>Инань</given-names></name><name xml:lang="zh"><surname></surname><given-names></given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>PhD Applicant, HSE University; Visiting Scholar, Shanghai Academy of Global Governance and Area Studies, Shanghai International Studies University</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>соискатель, Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики»; приглашенный научный сотрудник, Шанхайская академия глобального управления и международного регионоведения</p></bio><email>liyinan92@qq.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff1"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">HSE University</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики»</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="zh"></institution></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff2"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">Shanghai Academy of Global Governance and Area Studies</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">Шанхайская академия глобального управления и международного регионоведения</institution></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2024-10-15" publication-format="electronic"><day>15</day><month>10</month><year>2024</year></pub-date><volume>24</volume><issue>3</issue><issue-title xml:lang="en">China’s Global Strategy</issue-title><issue-title xml:lang="ru">Глобальная стратегия КНР</issue-title><fpage>403</fpage><lpage>416</lpage><history><date date-type="received" iso-8601-date="2024-10-08"><day>08</day><month>10</month><year>2024</year></date></history><permissions><copyright-statement xml:lang="en">Copyright ©; 2024, Li Y.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="ru">Copyright ©; 2024, Ли И.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="zh">Copyright ©; 2024, Li Y.</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2024</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Li Y.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Ли И.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="zh">Li Y.</copyright-holder><ali:free_to_read xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/"/><license><ali:license_ref xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0</ali:license_ref></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/41027">https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/41027</self-uri><abstract xml:lang="en"><p style="text-align: justify;">In this study, the author examines the foreign policy of Y.V. Andropov and assesses the impact of his personal position on the Soviet-US and Sino-Soviet relations during his tenure as the leader of the Soviet Union. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity, and reliance on sources. It is proved that Y.V. Andropov adopted the foreign policy of the USSR from the position of the “hawks” in the Soviet leadership, which were represented by D.F. Ustinov. According to such a position, foreign policy should be absolutely subordinated to the interests of national security, which can only be guaranteed by the superiority of both nuclear and conventional forces over potential adversaries. Military power should be at the forefront of foreign policy decisions. Therefore, no matter on the issue of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) in Europe, or on the issue of the armed forces on the Sino-Soviet and Sino-Mongolian borders, regardless of the objective changes in the situation, Y.V. Andropov always maintained a tough position. Author proves that the Soviet leader persistently rejected the reasonable proposals of diplomats and was unwilling to make any concessions that contradicted the ideas of military supremacy. This primarily concerned the issue of the INF deployment on the territory of Eastern Europe, which was a key topic of discussion at the Geneva negotiations. As a result, the Soviet Union could not avoid being drawn into the new round of the arms race provoked by the U.S. President Ronald Reagan, one of the results of which was the deployment of the American INF in Western Europe. In the East, he missed the opportunity to improve relations with China, which had begun to reorient itself away from confrontation with the USSR to building a balance in relations with the United States and the Soviet Union and continued a pointless confrontation with it. The foreign policy heritage that Y.V. Andropov left to his successors was an isolated and tense external environment in which there was few freedom of action. In addition, the growth of military expenditures caused by his tough line on foreign affairs aggravated the stagnation and crisis in the social-economic development of the USSR.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="ru"><p style="text-align: justify;">Рассматривается политика Ю.В. Андропова и его личная позиция в ключевых вопросах отношений СССР с США и КНР в годы руководства Советским Союзом. На этой основе оценены влияние и последствия действий Ю. В. Андропова на внешнеполитическое развитие СССР. Автор руководствовался принципами историзма, научной объективности и опоры на источники. Доказано, что Ю.В. Андропов формировал внешнюю политику страны с позиции «ястребов» в советском руководстве, представленных Д.Ф. Устиновым. Согласно этой позиции, внешняя политика абсолютно подчинена интересам национальной безопасности, предполагающей превосходство ядерных и обычных сил над силами потенциальных противников, а военная сила должна выходить на первый план при принятии внешнеполитических решений. Поэтому как по проблеме ракет средней дальности (РСД) в Европе, так и по вопросу о размещении вооруженных сил на советско-китайской и китайско-монгольской границах Ю.В. Андропов, игнорируя объективные изменения обстановки, неизменно придерживался жесткой позиции. Автор приводит свидетельства того, как советский руководитель неоднократно отвергал разумные предложения дипломатов и не желал идти на какие-либо уступки, которые противоречили идеям военного превосходства. В первую очередь это касалось вопроса размещения РСД на территории Восточной Европы, который обсуждался на переговорах в Женеве. В итоге Советскому Союзу не удалось избежать вовлечения в новый виток гонки вооружений, спровоцированный президентом США Р. Рейганом, вследствие чего американские РСД были размещены в Западной Европе. На Востоке Ю.В. Андропов упустил возможность улучшить отношения с Китаем, который начал переориентироваться от конфронтации с СССР на выстраивание баланса в отношениях с США и Советским Союзом, и продолжил бессмысленную конфронтацию с ним. Внешнеполитическое наследие Ю.В. Андропова - изолированная, напряженная внешняя обстановка, не подразумевающая свободы действий. Кроме того, увеличение военных расходов, вызванное его жесткой внешнеполитической линией, усугубило «застой» и кризис социально-экономического развития СССР.</p></trans-abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="zh"/><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>the Cold War</kwd><kwd>foreign policy of the USSR</kwd><kwd>arms race</kwd><kwd>the U.S</kwd><kwd>People’s Republic of China</kwd><kwd>PRC</kwd><kwd>Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces</kwd><kwd>INF</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>холодная война</kwd><kwd>внешняя политика СССР</kwd><kwd>гонка вооружений</kwd><kwd>США</kwd><kwd>Китайская Народная Республика</kwd><kwd>КНР</kwd><kwd>ракеты средней дальности</kwd><kwd>РСД</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group/></article-meta></front><body></body><back><ref-list><ref id="B1"><label>1.</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Arbatov, A. G. (2017). The Intermediate-Range Missiles Treaty: 30 years later. World Eсonomy and International Relations, 61(9), 5-15. 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