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<article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/" article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.2" xml:lang="en"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="en">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Вестник Российского университета дружбы народов. Серия: Международные отношения</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn publication-format="print">2313-0660</issn><issn publication-format="electronic">2313-0679</issn><publisher><publisher-name xml:lang="en">федеральное государственное автономное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Российский университет дружбы народов имени Патриса Лумумбы» (РУДН)</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">41023</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22363/2313-0660-2024-24-3-358-370</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="edn">ZIMOCW</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>THEMATIC DOSSIER</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ТЕМАТИЧЕСКОЕ ДОСЬЕ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="article-type"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title xml:lang="en">Snow Dragon: China’s Arctic Policy Facing New Challenges</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Снежный Дракон: политика Китая в Арктике перед лицом новых вызовов</trans-title></trans-title-group><trans-title-group xml:lang="zh"><trans-title/></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3247-7826</contrib-id><contrib-id contrib-id-type="spin">8285-9495</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Galimullin</surname><given-names>Eduard Z.</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Галимуллин</surname><given-names>Эдуард Зульфатович</given-names></name><name xml:lang="zh"><surname></surname><given-names></given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>PhD (Political Science), Research Assistant, Center for Comprehensive European and International Studies (CCEIS), Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>кандидат политических наук, научный сотрудник Центра комплексных европейских и международных исследований (ЦКЕМИ) факультета мировой экономики и мировой политики</p></bio><email>egalimullin@hse.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9283-4528</contrib-id><contrib-id contrib-id-type="spin">3480-3664</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Kashin</surname><given-names>Vasiliy B.</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Кашин</surname><given-names>Василий Борисович</given-names></name><name xml:lang="zh"><surname></surname><given-names></given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>PhD (Political Science), Director, Center for Comprehensive European and International Studies (CCEIS), Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>кандидат политических наук, директор Центра комплексных европейских и международных исследований (ЦКЕМИ) факультета мировой экономики и мировой политики</p></bio><email>vkashin@hse.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7454-0956</contrib-id><contrib-id contrib-id-type="spin">5021-1033</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Kramarenko</surname><given-names>Anastasia S.</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Крамаренко</surname><given-names>Анастасия Сергеевна</given-names></name><name xml:lang="zh"><surname></surname><given-names></given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>PhD (Political Science), Research Assistant, Center for Comprehensive European and International Studies (CCEIS), Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>кандидат политических наук, научный сотрудник Центра комплексных европейских и международных исследований (ЦКЕМИ) факультета мировой экономики и мировой политики</p></bio><email>a.kramarenko@hse.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff1"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">HSE University</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики»</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="zh"></institution></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2024-10-15" publication-format="electronic"><day>15</day><month>10</month><year>2024</year></pub-date><volume>24</volume><issue>3</issue><issue-title xml:lang="en">China’s Global Strategy</issue-title><issue-title xml:lang="ru">Глобальная стратегия КНР</issue-title><fpage>358</fpage><lpage>370</lpage><history><date date-type="received" iso-8601-date="2024-10-08"><day>08</day><month>10</month><year>2024</year></date></history><permissions><copyright-statement xml:lang="en">Copyright ©; 2024, Galimullin E.Z., Kashin V.B., Kramarenko A.S.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="ru">Copyright ©; 2024, Галимуллин Э.З., Кашин В.Б., Крамаренко А.С.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="zh">Copyright ©; 2024, Galimullin E., Kashin V., Kramarenko A.</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2024</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Galimullin E.Z., Kashin V.B., Kramarenko A.S.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Галимуллин Э.З., Кашин В.Б., Крамаренко А.С.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="zh">Galimullin E., Kashin V., Kramarenko A.</copyright-holder><ali:free_to_read xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/"/><license><ali:license_ref xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0</ali:license_ref></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/41023">https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/41023</self-uri><abstract xml:lang="en"><p style="text-align: justify;">The sharp deterioration between Russia and the West that began in February 2022 has posed a serious challenge to the advancement of Arctic cooperation, which has become increasingly intense, fruitful, and, to a large extent, mutually beneficial for its participants over the past several decades. China, which has demonstrated to the world that it has ambitions in the region, is facing difficult challenges. In this regard, some research questions about Beijing’s Arctic strategy need to be addressed. Will the strengthening of cooperation with Russia harm the building of interaction with the other Arctic states? To what extent will the security crisis and the gradual transformation of the established system of international cooperation in the Arctic affect China’s plans to integrate the region into its global strategic projects? What role can China play in the future Arctic governance system? The objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the changes currently taking place in China’s Arctic policy. The methodological foundation of the study is the theory of regional security complexes by B. Buzan and O. Wæver. It has been determined that the policy of building an Arctic identity, one of the key components of which is the securitization of the climate discourse, is meeting increasing resistance from Western countries. In the context of the current crisis, Beijing is also forced to balance its bilateral relations with Russia and the states of Northern Europe. The erosion of the existing international Arctic cooperation framework is highly undesirable for China, as it allowed Beijing to legitimately take a limited role in the governance of the region, as opposed to the regulatory regimes of total domination of the Arctic states (sectoral approach). However, at the doctrinal level, there has been a shift in the focus in China’s Arctic policy toward a more global vision of the region’s development. The foreign policy shift has been driven by a number of external factors, including the aftermath of the coronavirus pandemic and the intensifying Sino-American strategic confrontation.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="ru"><p style="text-align: justify;">Резкое обострение отношений между Россией и странами Запада, начавшееся в феврале 2022 г., стало серьезным вызовом арктическому сотрудничеству, которое на протяжении нескольких последних десятилетий становилось все более интенсивным, плодотворным и в немалой степени взаимовыгодным для его участников. Китай, успевший продемонстрировать всему миру наличие у него амбиций в Арктическом регионе, находится перед лицом непростых вызовов. Ряд исследовательских вопросов, связанных с арктической стратегией Пекина, в этой связи требует уточнения. Не навредит ли укрепление сотрудничества с Россией выстраиванию взаимодействия с остальными арктическими государствами? В какой мере кризис безопасности и постепенная трансформация сложившейся системы международного сотрудничества в Арктике повлияет на планы Китая по интеграции региона в глобальные стратегические проекты Пекина? Какое место может быть отведено Китаю в будущей системе управления Арктикой? Цель исследования - выявление изменений, происходящих в настоящее время в китайской арктической политике. Методологическую основу исследования составляет теория комплексов региональной безопасности Б. Бузана и О. Вейвера. Установлено, что политика выстраивания арктической идентичности, одной из ключевых составляющих которой выступает секьюритизация климатического дискурса, встречает все большее сопротивление со стороны западных стран. В условиях современного кризиса Пекин также вынужден поддерживать баланс двусторонних отношений с Россией и государствами Северной Европы. Эрозия сложившейся системы международного арктического сотрудничества для Китая представляется крайне нежелательной, поскольку эта система вопреки нормативно-правовым режимам полного господства арктических стран (секторальный подход) позволяла Пекину на законных основаниях принимать ограниченное участие в управлении регионом. Вместе с тем на доктринальном уровне отмечается смещение фокуса арктической политики Китая на более глобальное видение развития региона. Внешнеполитические трансформации вызваны рядом сторонних факторов, среди которых можно выделить последствия пандемии коронавируса и усиливающееся китайско-американское стратегическое противостояние.</p></trans-abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="zh"/><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>People’s Republic of China</kwd><kwd>PRC</kwd><kwd>Arctic region</kwd><kwd>identity</kwd><kwd>international cooperation</kwd><kwd>crisis</kwd><kwd>Russia</kwd><kwd>Arctic Council</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Китайская Народная Республика</kwd><kwd>КНР</kwd><kwd>Арктический регион</kwd><kwd>идентичность</kwd><kwd>международное сотрудничество</kwd><kwd>кризис</kwd><kwd>Россия</kwd><kwd>Арктический совет</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group/></article-meta></front><body></body><back><ref-list><ref id="B1"><label>1.</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Akimov, R. Kh. (2023). The Arctic with Chinese characteristics. Arctic and North, (50), 89-108. 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