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<article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/" article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.2" xml:lang="en"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="en">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Вестник Российского университета дружбы народов. Серия: Международные отношения</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn publication-format="print">2313-0660</issn><issn publication-format="electronic">2313-0679</issn><publisher><publisher-name xml:lang="en">федеральное государственное автономное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Российский университет дружбы народов имени Патриса Лумумбы» (РУДН)</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">22591</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-3-420-431</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>PEACE AND SECURITY</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>МИР И БЕЗОПАСНОСТЬ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="zh"><subject>世界和安全</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="article-type"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title xml:lang="en">China as an Emerging Actor in Conflict Management: from Non-Interference in Internal Affairs to “Constructive” Engagement</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Китай в урегулировании конфликтов: от невмешательства во внутренние дела к «конструктивному» вовлечению</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Khudaykulova</surname><given-names>Alexandra Victorovna</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Худайкулова</surname><given-names>Александра Викторовна</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>PhD (Political Sciences), Associate Professor of Department of Applied International Analysis, Moscow State Institute of International Relations of MFA of Russia (MGIMO University); Associate Professor of Department of Theory and History of International Relations, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University)</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>кандидат политических наук, доцент кафедры прикладного анализа международных проблем МГИМО МИД России; доцент кафедры теории и истории международных отношений Российского университета дружбы народов</p></bio><email>alexandra_77@mail.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff1"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO-University)</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">Московский государственный институт международных отношений (МГИМО-Университет)</institution></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff2"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">RUDN University</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">Российский университет дружбы народов</institution></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2019-12-15" publication-format="electronic"><day>15</day><month>12</month><year>2019</year></pub-date><volume>19</volume><issue>3</issue><issue-title xml:lang="en">International Energy Cooperation</issue-title><issue-title xml:lang="ru">Международное энергетическое сотрудничество</issue-title><fpage>420</fpage><lpage>431</lpage><history><date date-type="received" iso-8601-date="2019-12-30"><day>30</day><month>12</month><year>2019</year></date></history><permissions><copyright-statement xml:lang="en">Copyright ©; 2019, Khudaykulova A.V.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="ru">Copyright ©; 2019, Худайкулова А.В.</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2019</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Khudaykulova A.V.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Худайкулова А.В.</copyright-holder><ali:free_to_read xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/"/><license><ali:license_ref xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0</ali:license_ref></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/22591">https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/22591</self-uri><abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The need to protect citizens and investments abroad is placing tremendous pressure on China’s traditional foreign policy strategy and noninterference principle. Instability in most of BRI countries form new security conditions, pushing China to be more flexible in engaging in missions it had previously opposed, including political engagement in intrastate conflicts in the developing world. Following the formula “politics is a big economy”, China starts rethinking its security interests. As a result, China has smoothly adopted the transition strategy from non-intervention into internal affairs to a more proactive non-indifference approach, that Chinese academics are describing as “creative” or “constructive” engagement. Many new elements contribute to this new constructive engagement - conceptual narrative, political support, geopolitical competition, growing capacities and new security conditions. The key point of the article is to analyze China’s strategy in defending national interests overseas, including the rescue and peacekeeping operations, mediation, political envoys, etc. The special focus is done on proactive peacekeeping policy of China and its new role in the security environment. Obviously, in future China will follow implementing the overseas missions, including humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, evacuation operations, defense of sea lanes, stabilization operations, peacekeeping and counterterrorism missions. After launching in 2017 its first overseas military base in Djibouti, there is little evidence to predict that in the near future China intends to construct more bases. But nevertheless the geopolitical rivalry with the United States might push China to convert three deep-water ports - Gwadar (Pakistan), Salalah (Oman), and Seychelles ports into naval bases. The degree of the China’s involvement in global security landscape will depend on the level of its responsibility, since Beijing is undergoing through a higher degree of international pressure in order to take more obligations. Responding to overseas security crises through military actions would be mostly shaped by events (case-by-case approach), inspired by political motivations and organized as small-scale and low-intensity missions.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="ru"><p>Необходимость защиты граждан и инвестиций за рубежом оказывает значимое воздействие на традиционную внешнеполитическую стратегию Китая, включая следование в русле политики невмешательства. Внутренняя нестабильность в большинстве стран, участвующих в проекте «Один пояс, Один путь», влияет на формирование новых условий в сфере безопасности, ориентируя Китай на проявление большей гибкости в миссиях по политическому урегулированию внутригосударственных конфликтов, от участия в которых Китай воздерживался еще в недавнем прошлом. Исходя из формулы «политика - это большая экономика», Китай переосмысливает свои интересы в области безопасности, в том числе на концептуальном уровне с точки зрения осторожного перехода от невмешательства к более активному «конструктивному» взаимодействию. Становлению данного концепта способствует множество факторов - академический интерес, политическая поддержка, геополитическая конкуренция, растущий потенциал и новые угрозы безопасности. В статье изучается стратегия Китая по защите национальных интересов за рубежом, включая операции по спасению граждан и поддержанию мира, посредничество, использование специальных посланников и т.д. Особое внимание уделяется анализу проактивной миротворческой политики Китая и его новой роли в сфере обеспечения безопасности. Очевидно, что Китай будет продолжать наращивать свои зарубежные миссии, включая оказание гуманитарной помощи, содействие в случае стихийных бедствий, проведение операций по эвакуации, защите морских путей, стабилизации внутренней обстановки, а также миротворческие и контртеррористические миссии. Однако вряд ли можно ожидать, что Китай откроет новые военные базы (единственная база сегодня располагается в Джибути). Вместе с тем нарастающее геополитическое соперничество с США может подтолкнуть Китай к превращению нескольких глубоководных портов в военноморские базы. Степень вовлеченности Китая в обеспечение безопасности на глобальном уровне будет зависеть от уровня ответственности Пекина, на фоне более настойчивого давления международного сообщества по принятию больших обязательств в этой области. По всей видимости, реагирование на зарубежные кризисы безопасности, в том числе с помощью военного компонента, будет зависеть от конкретного случая, определяться политическими мотивами и проводиться в виде небольших и малоинтенсивных операций.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>China</kwd><kwd>security</kwd><kwd>conflict resolution</kwd><kwd>intrastate conflicts</kwd><kwd>peacekeeping</kwd><kwd>non-interference</kwd><kwd>constructive engagement</kwd><kwd>mediation</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Китай</kwd><kwd>безопасность</kwd><kwd>урегулирование конфликтов</kwd><kwd>внутригосударственные конфликты</kwd><kwd>поддержание мира</kwd><kwd>невмешательство</kwd><kwd>конструктивное взаимодействие</kwd><kwd>посредничество</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group><award-group><funding-source><institution-wrap><institution xml:lang="en">The research was funded by RFBR and EISR according to the scientific project № 19-011-31389 “Traditional and emerging powers: discussions on sovereignty and conflict management”.</institution></institution-wrap><institution-wrap><institution xml:lang="ru">Исследование выполнено при финансовой поддержке РФФИ и АНО ЭИСИ в рамках научного проекта № 19-011-31389 «Традиционные и восходящие центры силы: дискуссии относительно суверенитета и управления конфликтами».</institution></institution-wrap></funding-source><award-id></award-id></award-group></funding-group></article-meta></front><body></body><back><ref-list><ref id="B1"><label>1.</label><mixed-citation>Alden, Ch., Alao, A., Chun, Zh. &amp; Barber, L. 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