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<article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/" article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.2" xml:lang="en"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="en">Vestnik RUDN. International Relations</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>Вестник Российского университета дружбы народов. Серия: Международные отношения</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn publication-format="print">2313-0660</issn><issn publication-format="electronic">2313-0679</issn><publisher><publisher-name xml:lang="en">федеральное государственное автономное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Российский университет дружбы народов имени Патриса Лумумбы» (РУДН)</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">20322</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22363/2313-0660-2018-18-4-755-774</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>THEMATIC DOSSIER</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="toc-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ТЕМАТИЧЕСКОЕ ДОСЬЕ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="article-type"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title xml:lang="en">‘Mutually Assured Obstruction’? Russia, the West and Political Dilemmas of Syria’s Reconstruction</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="ru"><trans-title>«Взаимно гарантированная обструкция»? Россия, страны Запада и политические дилеммы восстановления Сирии</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><name-alternatives><name xml:lang="en"><surname>Bartenev</surname><given-names>Vladimir Igorevich</given-names></name><name xml:lang="ru"><surname>Бартенев</surname><given-names>Владимир Игоревич</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="en"><p>PhD in History, Associate Professor, Director for Center for Security and Development Studies at the School of World Politics, Lomonosov Moscow State University</p></bio><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>кандидат исторических наук, доцент кафедры международных организаций и мировых политических процессов, директор Центра проблем безопасности и развития факультета мировой политики МГУ им. М.В. Ломоносова</p></bio><email>vladimir.bartenev@fmp.msu.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff1"><aff><institution xml:lang="en">Lomonosov Moscow State University</institution></aff><aff><institution xml:lang="ru">Московский государственный университет имени М.В. Ломоносова</institution></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date date-type="pub" iso-8601-date="2018-12-15" publication-format="electronic"><day>15</day><month>12</month><year>2018</year></pub-date><volume>18</volume><issue>4</issue><issue-title xml:lang="en">Grand Strategy and Syrian Crisis: Coalition Wars of the Great and Rising Powers</issue-title><issue-title xml:lang="ru">Большая стратегия (Grand Strategy) и сирийский кризис: коалиционные войны великих и восходящих держав</issue-title><fpage>755</fpage><lpage>774</lpage><history><date date-type="received" iso-8601-date="2019-01-15"><day>15</day><month>01</month><year>2019</year></date></history><permissions><copyright-statement xml:lang="en">Copyright ©; 2018, Bartenev V.I.</copyright-statement><copyright-statement xml:lang="ru">Copyright ©; 2018, Бартенев В.И.</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2018</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Bartenev V.I.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Бартенев В.И.</copyright-holder><ali:free_to_read xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/"/><license><ali:license_ref xmlns:ali="http://www.niso.org/schemas/ali/1.0/">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0</ali:license_ref></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/20322">https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/20322</self-uri><abstract xml:lang="en"><p>In the view of an apparent change in balance of power in Syria in 2017-2018 the challenges of reconstruction of the territories affected by a durable and highly destructive conflict have quickly risen to the forefront of the international agenda. A sheer scope of physical damage and humanitarian crisis in the country and a catastrophic lack of financial resources needed to mitigate consequences of a military confrontation and come back to normal life leave no doubt that the reconstruction process will imply a considerable external support. This paper identifies the particularities of Russia’s and the Western countries’ approaches to Syria’s reconstruction based on available public sources and their respective perceptions of related political dilemmas. Such a comparison has been made neither by Russian scholars who have touched upon the reconstruction agenda only sporadically or examined only the Russian motives, nor by foreign experts who have not studied the Russia’s initiatives scrupulously yet. The first section summarizes publicly available information about the bilateral Russian-Syrian dialogue on reconstruction and the main dimensions of the Russian efforts aimed at ensuring a more active engagement of the established donors in reconstruction of Syria. The second section examines the origins and a subsequent evolution of the key representatives of the ‘Group of Friends of the Syrian People’ (primarily, the U.S. and the EU countries) positions on rebuilding Syria. Special attention is paid to identifying similarities and differences between the circumstances surrounding Syria’s reconstruction and the international context around implementation of other large post-conflict reconstruction programs, primarily in Iraq and Afghanistan. The conclusion is drawn that ‘mutually assured obstruction’ and the development of two parallel reconstruction processes to the west and to the east of the Euphrates River will have an extremely negative impact on both Syria and a wider region. Prevention of this scenario entails a wide range of reputational, economic and political-strategic risks for all actors inside and outside Syria.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="ru"><p>Зримое изменение соотношения сил в Сирии в 2017-2018 гг. вывело на первый план в международной повестке дня проблему восстановления территорий, затронутых долгим и разрушительным конфликтом. Масштабы материального ущерба, гуманитарного кризиса и дефицита средств, требующихся для ликвидации последствий войны и возвращения к нормальной жизни в Сирийской Арабской Республике (САР), указывают на неизбежность значимого участия внешних сил. В статье на основе открытых источников обозначены специфические особенности подходов России и стран Запада к восстановлению Сирии и их восприятия политических дилемм, связанных с этим процессом. Такого рода сопоставление не проводилось пока ни отечественными учеными, которые либо затрагивали проблемы реконструкции опосредованно, либо рассматривали отдельно только мотивы России, ни зарубежными авторами. В первом разделе обобщена доступная информация о ходе российско-сирийского взаимодействия по вопросам реконструкции и основные направления усилий России, призванных обеспечить более активное участие третьих стран в восстановлении Сирии. Во втором разделе рассматриваются истоки и эволюция позиции представителей «Группы друзей сирийского народа», в первую очередь США и стран ЕС, по проблеме реконструкции Сирии. Особое внимание уделено сходствам и различиям между ситуацией вокруг восстановления Сирии и международным контекстом реализации других программ постконфликтного восстановления, в частности в Ираке и Афганистане. Сделан вывод о том, что «взаимно гарантированная обструкция» и развитие параллельных процессов реконструкции к западу и востоку от Евфрата могут иметь крайне негативные последствия не только для Сирии, но и для всего ближневосточного региона. Противодействие воплощению в жизнь данного сценария сопряжено с рядом имиджевых, экономических и политико-стратегических рисков для каждого из акторов внутри Сирии и за ее пределами.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Syria</kwd><kwd>reconstruction</kwd><kwd>assistance</kwd><kwd>sanctions</kwd><kwd>political settlement</kwd><kwd>Russian Federation</kwd><kwd>Group of Friends of the Syrian People</kwd><kwd>United States</kwd><kwd>European Union</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Сирия</kwd><kwd>восстановление</kwd><kwd>реконструкция</kwd><kwd>помощь</kwd><kwd>санкции</kwd><kwd>политическое урегулирование</kwd><kwd>Российская Федерация</kwd><kwd>«Группа друзей сирийского народа»</kwd><kwd>США</kwd><kwd>Европейский союз</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group><award-group><award-id></award-id></award-group></funding-group></article-meta></front><body></body><back><ref-list><ref id="B1"><label>1.</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Ageev, A.I., Loginov, E.L., Zoidov, K.Kh. &amp; Medkov, A.A. 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