Vol 20, No 1 (2020): Decolonization, Neocolonialism and Recolonization: 60th Anniversary of the Year of Africa

Articles
In This Issue
Carmody P.

Abstract

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):9-10
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THEMATIC DOSSIER
The Cold War and Africa’s Political Culture
Kalu K.

Abstract

Leadership and political systems in most of Africa have been described in several negative ways. Paternalism, clientelism, dictatorship, corruption and such pejorative labels have been used to described the type of politics prevalent in most of Africa today. A number of studies have explained Africa’s political challenges in the context of the choices of postcolonial African leaders. Others have pointed to European colonial exploitation and its destructive legacies as the foundations of the perverse political culture that define contemporary Africa. While these factors play important roles in defining the type of politics that has endured in the continent during the past half century, this paper takes a look at another epoch that had significant impacts on Africa’s political culture. The paper argues that the foreign policies of the United States and USSR - two major actors in Africa during the Cold War - had some of the most significant impacts on the political culture that evolved in postcolonial Africa. In pursuit of ideological supremacy, these foreign actors focused on undermining each other, with little consideration on how their actions in Africa were shaping the continent’s political development. By providing military support to opposing forces in African countries, the Cold War actors institutionalized a violent political culture in postcolonial Africa.
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):11-21
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Features of the Political Development of Africa in the Postcolonial Period
Kassaye Nigusie W.M., Ivkina N.V.

Abstract

The article is devoted to the features of the formation and development of Africa in the postcolonial period. The authors study such fundamental issues as the formation of modern States in Africa, the formation of the ruling elite and its influence on the political and socio-economic system, the role of the army and ethnic conflicts in the process of state formation. The relevance of the research is due to the fact that Russian and foreign historical science has not yet formed a common opinion on how to assess the consequences of the colonial period for Africa. Pluralism of opinions, on the one hand, generates the discussion for research, on the other, introduces a destructive imbalance in the representation of the region. As a novelty of the study, it’s necessary to note the neo-patrimonial approach to studying the features of the postcolonial period in Africa. It identifies separate thematic blocks that help assess the impact of colonization on the development of countries on the continent. The article also considers the correlation between the traditional and westernized elements within African political culture. The borrowing of political institutions and statehood theories is also considered not only as a consequence of the colonial past, but also as the political choice of the first national leaders of Africa, in the framework of their aspiration to choose an effective development way and to find a balance between the tradition and modernization. The main purpose of the study is to assess the results of decolonization in the context of ethnic, military and political aspects of the formation of African States. The polemic nature of the principles of understanding the postcolonial period of African development has led to the need to use a functional approach as a methodological basis. This is due to the need to study the principles of functioning of the political system of the region, rather than individual states. The neo-patrimonialist approach also gave rise to the use of a comparative method to compare the main theoretical postulates with the real situation in Africa. A vast array of sources and literature in Russian and English is needed to reflect the multi-vector possibilities of research on African issues.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):22-38
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Sixty Years Later: Africa’s Stalled Decolonization
Taylor I.

Abstract

The year 1960 marked the moment when the number of nominally independent African countries on the continent rose from nine to twenty-six and is a symbolic indicator of when Africa began to emerge from the days of European colonization. However, from the beginning, very few of Africa’s leaders sought to reorganize the continent’s economic structures and did virtually nothing to question its external exchange relations. Preferring to play the role of compradors, most preferred to stay wedded to their former colonial masters. Consequently, sixty years after the Year of Africa, most African countries continue to be entrenched in a set of connections that fit well with Kwame Nkrumah’s description of neocolonialism. This neocolonialism has a highly resilient material base which continues to maintain the continent in its subordinate global status and which perpetuates its underdevelopment. Sustainable growth and development in Africa continues to be blocked by the domination of external economies. African countries remain constrained from accumulating the necessary capital for auto-centric growth since the surplus is transferred overseas. Asymmetrical economic relationships are embodied by the continued supremacy of the core over Africa, something intrinsic to capitalism. Unequal exchange, the transfer of surplus i.e. the continued looting of Africa by its elites and their foreign associates, means that the dreams and aspirations of 1960, for the majority of Africans at least, have been frustrated.
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):39-53
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USSR and Zanzibar in the Years of Its Struggle for Independence and Unification with Tanganyika (Based on Archival Sources)
Balezin A.S.

Abstract

Based on documents from the Russian archives - the Archive of foreign policy of the Russian Federation, the State archive of the Russian Federation, and the Russian state archive of modern history, the article examines the relations of the USSR with Zanzibar in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Soviet-Zanzibar relations are examined against the background of a complex period in the history of the island state, which included the stages of inter-party rivalry during the struggle for independence, the Zanzibar revolution itself, and the unification with Tanganyika. The author also draws attention to the ethnic composition of the Zanzibar population in the years before the start of the national liberation movement, the history of the origin of ethnic groups in the archipelago and their traditional relationships. The author examines in detail the composition and political orientation of the parties that took part in the struggle for independence. He also considers the influence of the political spectrum and the international situation of the Cold War period on the decisions of national leaders in choosing a support side for further development. The author also considers actions of two leading actors of the bipolar system, the USSR and the USA, in the struggle for influence on the young national elites of Zanzibar in particular, and then Tanzania as a whole. The author conducts a detailed analysis of the United States actions and its allies to intervene the party struggle within Zanzibar society and the further reaction of the USSR to these steps. He also considers the reasons for the decline in Soviet influence on Zanzibar and the events that led to the closure of the Soviet diplomatic missions. The author points out the ambiguity of Zanzibar and Tanganyika’s unification, which could be perceived as an artificial political act supported by interested global forces than the process of voluntary unification of the two young countries. A number of issues are considered almost for the first time in Russian historiography.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):54-66
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South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances
Ngwane T., Bond P.

Abstract

The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):67-83
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Paris vs. Beijing: Confrontation on the African Continent
Philippov V.R.

Abstract

The subject of this study is the competitive relations in the political and economic spheres that have developed on the African continent in the 21st century between the French Republic and the People’s Republic of China. The author focuses on the main conflict-generating factors that caused the latent confrontation between the two countries that arose in the face of a changing geopolitical situation in the world in general and in Africa in particular. The methodological basis of this study is the comparative historical method; the work is based on the principles of historicism, reliability and scientific objectivity. Using the method of historical reconstruction allowed the author to trace the dynamics of relations between France and China over the past two decades. The work is based on the study of factual historical material, a chronicle of the events of the last decade; analytical materials published on the pages of French and Russian mass media were used. The author concludes that the basis of the conflict between Paris and Beijing lies in the desire of the Champs Elysees not only to preserve the political, economic and military-strategic preferences of France in the countries that were formerly colonies of the French Empire, but also to protect French interests in the English-speaking countries of East Africa. The rapid growth of China’s influence on the African continent, the ever more obvious expansion of the Heavenly Empire into the economies of African countries, forces France to change the paradigm of its foreign policy. If the predecessors of E. Macron, denying in words the policy of “Françafrique”, relied on the use of military force and covert operations of the French security services then the current head of the Fifth Republic in his relations with African countries prefers to use his resources on “soft power” politics. The experience gained by E. Macron during his first (not very successful) African tour in 2017 prompted him to change the tone of communication with the leaders of African countries from patronically arrogant to friendly and trusting.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):84-96
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Local Hegemony: China’s Special Economic Zones in Mauritius and Zambia
Nesmashnyi A.D., Nikitina Y.A.

Abstract

Chinese Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in Africa are part of the Belt and Road Initiative. They account for a fledgling research area in International Relations, with not much research on the topic. The authors regard traditional approaches in research of SEZs as incapable of grasping the difference between domestic (designed by the state on its own territory) and foreign (designed by a foreign state) SEZs. The concept of territoriality, though applicable only to foreign SEZs, has little to offer in terms of generating new knowledge. The research paper endeavours to offer new theoretical and conceptual frameworks for the study of foreign SEZs. The research is based on concepts of hegemony by different schools of thought, including Hegemonic Stability Theory, the three types of hegemony by Yan Xuetong and Neo-Gramscianism. The authors introduce the concept of “local hegemony”. The authors also highlight the fact that most foreign SEZs emerge in territories of limited statehood (or create them). In order to prove vitality of the concept, comparative research of China’s SEZs in Mauritius and Zambia is conducted. The authors point out relatively poor institutional development of Zambia and the existence of stable democratic institutions in Mauritius. The success of the Chinese SEZ in Zambia is also partially attributed to copper mining. Deriving from economic and institutional empirical data the authors try to detect success conditions of SEZs and analyze the related spillover effects that contribute to the development of African nations. The reasons behind the failure of the Chinese SEZ in Mauritius are traced. Authors conclude that the concept of local hegemony is suitable for studying foreign SEZs and suggest that zones of local hegemony could be sustainable and effective in terms of development.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):97-114
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African International Relations, Genocidal Histories and the Emancipatory Project. Part 1
Campbell H.G.

Abstract

Silences in the discipline of International Relations on genocide amount to a form of genocide denial, which is one of the foundations of future genocide. The paper posits that in the era of militarized global apartheid, progressive scholars are challenged to critique and expose the past and current crimes against humanity that are occurring in Africa. Drawing from the consolidation of an alternative analysis in the context of the Bandung Project, the paper analyzed the contributions of the ideas that emerged out of the anti-apartheid struggles and the struggles for reparative justice. Struggles from the Global South had culminated in the World Conference against Racism (WCAR) process, elevating the anti-racist battles as a core challenge of Africa’s International Relations. This rejuvenation and energies coming out of the protracted struggle for bread, peace and justice took the form of the transition to the African Union leaving behind the concept of the noninterference in the internal affairs of states. The paper analyzed the ways in which afro-pessimism was being reinforced by the constructivist path in African International Relations. The contributions of radical African feminists are presented as one new direction where there is the coalescence of the progressive anti-imperialist intellectual traditions with radical feminisms. These two traditions open possibilities for an emancipatory project. This project has taken on extra importance in the period of the fragility of global capital when the precariousness of capitalism threatens new and endless wars and destabilization in Africa. Modern humanitarianism forms one component of the weaponization of everything and it is within this ensemble of ideas that scholars need to deconstruct the discussion of ‘failed states’ in Africa.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):115-130
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Narrative and Critical Imaginations in International Relations
De Oliveira J.

Abstract

Narrative strategies have gained growing attention in IR. One key promise is mobilizing a diversity of interpretations and exploring the politics contestedness in ways that support the view of IR as focused on the multiplicity of the world(s) of international and global affairs. This article brings a broad map of the use of narrative approaches in IR and connects it with Edward Said’s notion of “worldliness” in order to highlight the political aspects of writing and representation within academia. It situates this “narrative turn” within the complexities of a broader context of crisis in Eurocentric forms of knowledge and representation. In addition, it reveals a double movement of scholarly disenchantment and re-enchantment that signals towards the productivity of intellectual unease about representational practices and the place of the “I” voice in academic writing. Bearing in mind these reactions and shared pursuit of a more empathetic relationship between researcher and researched, scholars and the public in general, teachers and students, I thus briefly tell the experience of openly discussing and practicing a narrative approach in the classroom and how students tended to engage (or not) with narrative as a way of making sense of their “I” in IR.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):131-146
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PEACE AND SECURITY
Nigeria - South Africa Rivalry in Quest for Regional Power Status: from Material Potential to UN Security Council Membership
Omoruyi I., Idahosa S.O., Mugadam M.M., Sidibe O.

Abstract

The paper explores the role and the power potential of Nigeria and South Africa with special attention to their comparatively high military, economic, political capabilities that enable them to shape and dominate regional agenda. It also analyses the internal, regional and external dynamics within Africa, particularly in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and Southern African Development Community (SADC). The paper further thoroughly examines the hegemonic contest for the UN Security Council membership among the dominant African states through the lens of Ezulwini Consensus, as well as the Pan-African credentials of Nigeria and South Africa in accordance to their contribution to ensuring peace, stability and development on continental and sub-regional levels. Nigeria and South Africa are the most important actors on the African continent, but there are obvious constraints undermining their ability to play an effective regional role. Thus, the research was guided by the comparison case-study of Nigeria and South Africa in crucial for understanding power potential areas. The study concludes that although Pan-Africanism stands of Nigeria and South Africa are commendable, both powers mostly follow this strategy for advancing their national interests. Taking into account the whole set of internal and external factors, both countries need to unite their efforts and practical strategies to advance the common goal of Africa development, peace and security.
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):147-157
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Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) and Transnational Crime in Africa
Falode A.J.

Abstract

This paper analyses the role of the arms trade in the growth and spread of transnational crime in Africa. The work shows that the proliferation and ready availability of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) on the continent is contributing in no small measure to political, economic and social insecurity in Africa. Major transnational crimes that the work identifies in Africa include drug trafficking, human and people trafficking, environmental crimes, arms trafficking and stolen vehicle trafficking. The work uses qualitative research methodology, which involves the extensive collection, collation and analysis of secondary data, to capture the essence and scope of the impacts of SALW on the growth and spread of transnational crime on the continent. A major and significant contribution of the work is the crucial connection that it establishes between the proliferation of SALW and the high incidence and recurrence of transnational crime in Africa. The work shows the destabilizing impacts of the proliferation of SALW in Africa and how these is contributing to the recurrence of conflicts and criminal activities on the continent. In its conclusion, the work recommends that in order for states on the continent to be able to proactively tackle transnational crime and the proliferation of SALW, they will have to do the following: carry-out an extensive and critical survey to create a database that will identify the nature of the different transnational crime that is carried-out in each regions; create (where it does not exist) and, strengthen and implement (where it exist) legislations and laws designed to tackle transnational crime; and encourage interagency cooperation and coordination among the affected states in the regions.
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):158-169
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INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS
The UN Development Decades (1961-2000): Evolution of Appraisal Systems in the Context of Development Theories
Larionova M.V.

Abstract

The article explores the review and appraisal systems’ dynamics in the period from the First to the Fourth UN Development Decades in the context of the dominant developmental theories’ evolution. To reveal possible interrelations the author uses the methods of comparative assessment and periodization. The overview draws on analysis on resolutions and documents of the UN General Assembly adopted in 1960-2000, expert materials, academic research and international institutions’ reports. Development concepts which emerged in 1960-2000 had an undoubted influence on cooperation for development and the review and appraisal parameters. Developmental stages theory and modernization theory defined the priorities and parameters of the First Development Decade’s (1961-1970). In 1970s, growing economic interdependence, detente and the outcomes of the First Decade’s which showed that development could not be driven exclusively by modernization, industrialization and economic growth, determined emergence of the dependence theory and the alternative development concept. The new thinking was reflected in the provisions of the Second Development Decade. The Third Development Decade (1981-1990) provisions were built on a compromise between the dependence theory, modernization theory and the alternative development concept. For the first time concrete parameters of social development, eradication of poverty and inequality were specified. The Fourth Development Decade provisions revealed the influence of the neoliberalism in its “post-Washington consensus” reincarnation and the sustainable development concept. In the nineties the human development discourse put equality, wellbeing and freedom at the core of the development, bringing a new focus on the social and human development indicators.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):170-183
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Transboundary Water Conflicts as Postcolonial Legacy (the Case of Nile Basin)
Abdullah A.M., Dyduck C., Ahmed T.Y.

Abstract

It is not shortage or lack of water that leads to conflict but the way how water is governed and managed. It is said that water will be, much more than oil, the major geopolitical issue of the 21st century. Although it is difficult to demonstrate this, it is clear that the increasing scarcity of the resource, on the one hand, and the configuration of its availability, on the other, are conflict-generating. In the particular case of the African continent, the large catchment basins of the Nile, Niger and Chad, shared by many states of unequal power, are the scene of inefficient hydro-diplomacy. Indeed, north to south, the Nile Delta is 161 km long and covers the coastline of Egypt from Alexandria in the west to Port Said in the east. Egypt with 100 mln population is de facto the principal hydro-hegemon state in the Nile basin. Nevertheless, a couple of riparian states, as Ethiopia (105 mln population), have taken measures in order to challenge this status quo: the signature and launching of the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI), the signature of Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA), the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and the signing of the Declaration of Principles Agreement. The article attempts to analyse the urgency of the problem of water resources allocation in Africa with particular focus to the Nile basin and the complexity of agreements regulating the issue dating back to the colonial era. The study also emphasizes the difficulties bilateral and multilateral aids faced while trying to solve a conflict. As Nile for many states is not just a source of water, it is the host of a fragile ecosystem, essential for maintaining the environmental and ecological balance of North-East Africa.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):184-196
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BILATERIAL RELATIONS
Relations between USSR and the Democratic Republic of Congo at the Beginning of 1960s: Twists of History
Sidorova G.M.

Abstract

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations with Congo on July 7, 1960, the ties between USSR and Africa have faced a big challenge. During the difficult years for Congo, after liberation from colonial dependence, the Soviet Union has always advocated the country’s territorial integrity and the internal problems diplomatic solution. However, the bloodshed in Congo could not be avoided. Despite the Soviet support of the legitimate Congo government headed by P. Lumumba, the Western countries, which did not want to lose their positions in resource-rich Congo have found a way to achieve a victory. A military coup led by Joseph-Desire Mobutu took place in the country and national leader Patrice Lumumba was killed in consequence of a murder plot. Moreover, Western countries have managed to use the UN headed by Dag Hammarskjöld for their own purposes, and it only aggravated the situation in the country. The purpose of the study is to reveal the key points of Soviet-African relations in the most difficult period for Congo - the beginning of 1960s. Basing on the documents of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the fundamental works of Russian and foreign Africanist historians, as well as the author’s own work experience in a number of African countries, the author focuses on the analyses of the Soviet Union efforts during the decolonization years, which aim was to stabilize the situation and establish the legitimate rule in the country. The author applies a systematic approach to study political institutions of power, the author also rely on the historical method to study the change of political formations, and an event analysis approach to summarize the information collected about the specific political situation. The author comes to the conclusion that today Africans cooperate only with those who supports their national interests, maintains the security or sovereignty, and comes to the rescue in case of humanitarian disasters and climatic cataclysms. In contrast to 1960s, Africa from a backward continent turned into a full-fledged player on the world arena, occupying important positions in the system of international relations. The voice of African leaders is heard from the UN General Assembly. In this regard, it is important to formulate new approaches and concepts of interaction with African states giving them if not priority, then at least not the last place in the foreign policy of Russia.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):197-209
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SCIENTIFIC SCHOOL
Afrocentricity as the Organizing Principle for African Renaissance. Interview with Prof. Molefi Kete Asante, Temple University (USA)
Smith A.X.

Abstract

Professor Molefi Kete Asante is Professor and Chair of the Department of Africology at Temple University. Asante’s research has focused on the re-centering of African thinking and African people in narratives of historical experiences that provide opportunities for agency. As the most published African American scholars and one of the most prolific and influential writers in the African world, Asante is the leading theorist on Afrocentricity. His numerous works, over 85 books, and hundreds of articles, attest to his singular place in the discipline of African American Studies. His major works, An Afrocentric Manifesto [Asante 2007a], The History of Africa [Asante 2007b], The Afrocentric Idea [Asante 1998], The African Pyramids of Knowledge [Asante 2015], Erasing Racism: The Survival of the American Nation [Asante 2009], As I Run Toward Africa [Asante 2011], Facing South to Africa [Asante 2014], and Revolutionary Pedagogy [Asante 2017], have become rich sources for countless scholars to probe for both theory and content. His recent award as National Communication Association (NCA) Distinguished Scholar placed him in the elite company of the best thinkers in the field of communication. In African Studies he is usually cited as the major proponent of Afrocentricity which the NCA said in its announcing of his Distinguished Scholar award was “a spectacular achievement”. Molefi Kete Asante is interviewed because of his recognized position as the major proponent of Afrocentricity and the most consistent theorist in relationship to creating Africological pathways such as institutes, research centers, departments, journals, conference and workshop programs, and academic mentoring opportunities. Asante has mentored over 100 students, some of whom are among the principal administrators in the field of Africology. Asante is professor of Africology at Temple University and has taught at the University of California, State University of New York, Howard University, Purdue University, Florida State University, as well as held special appointments at the University of South Africa, Zhejiang University in Hangzhou, and Ibadan University in Nigeria.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):210-217
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Africa: «The Rainbow Period» and Unfulfilled Hopes. Interview with Apollon Davidson, Academician of RAS
Degterev D.A., Yurtaev V.I.

Abstract

Academician Apollon B. Davidson is an outstanding Soviet and Russian expert in African history, British Studies, also known as a specialist in Russian Silver Age literature. He is an author of more than 500 scientific papers, including 11 monographs, most of which are devoted to the new and recent history of the countries of Tropical and South Africa. Graduate of Leningrad State University (1953), Professor (1973), Doctor of Historical Sciences (1971), Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences (2011). Under his leadership, at the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences a scientific school of African history based on archival documents was created. He prepared more than 30 candidates and doctors of sciences, among famous students - A. Balezin, S. Mazov, I. Filatova, G. Derlugyan. In 2001-2002 two volumes of documents “Russia and Africa” [Davidson 1999] were published under his editorship; the book “USSR and Africa” [Davidson, Mazov, Tsypkin 2002], in 2003 - the volume of documents “Comintern and Africa” [Davidson 2003]. In 2003, a two-volume edition of the documents “South Africa and the Communist International” [Davidson, Filatova, Gorodnov, Johns 2003] was published in London in English, and in 2005-2006 - the fundamental three-volume “History of Africa in Documents” [Davidson 2005-2006]. In 1988, he participated in the South African program at Yale University. In 1991, he lectured for several months at universities in South Africa and worked in the archives of this country. In 1992-1993 he worked at the Rhodes University, in 1994-1998 organized and chaired the Center for Russian Studies at the University of Cape Town. In 1981-1991 he visited Ethiopia, Angola, Lesotho, Botswana and several times - Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. From 1977 to 1991 he participated in the Soviet-American Dartmouth conferences as an expert on Africa. In his interview he talks about the outcome of decolonization for southern Africa, the actual problems of the modern development of the continent, the role of China in Africa, and the Afro-Asianization of the world. Special attention is paid to the problems and prospects of the development of Soviet and Russian African studies and Russian-African relations.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):218-225
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REVIEWS
Denisova, T.S. (Eds.). (2018). Africa: Political Portraits. Moscow: IAfr RAN publ., 198 p. (In Russian)
Gavrilova N.G.

Abstract

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Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):226-228
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Davidson, A.B. (Eds.). (2019). Africa in the Fate of Russia, Russia in the Fate of Africa. Moscow: Politicheskaya encyclopedia publ., 606 p. (In Russian)
Gavristova T.M.

Abstract

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Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):229-231
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China - Africa Friendly Cooperation in the New Era. (2018). Think Tank Reports. In 9 volumes. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press
Deych T.L.

Abstract

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Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):232-236
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Hino, Н., Langer, A., Lonsdale, J. & Stewart, F. (Eds.). (2019). From Divided Pasts to Cohesive Futures. Reflections on Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 447 p
Zabella A.A.

Abstract

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Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):237-240
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Gupta, P. (2019). Portuguese Decolonization in the Indian Ocean World. History and Ethnography. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 160 p
Soboleva E.S.

Abstract

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Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):241-244
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Shanguhyia, M.S. & Falola, T. (Eds.). (2018). The Palgrave Handbook of African Colonial and Postcolonial History. Palgrave Macmillan, 1362 p
Kulkova O.S.

Abstract

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Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):245-248
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De Oliveira, J.S.C. (2020). Postcolonial Maghreb and the Limits of IR. Palgrave Macmillan, 230 p
Mousli M.

Abstract

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2020;20(1):249-252
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