Vol 19, No 2 (2019): International Studies in the Global South

THEMATIC DOSSIER
Foreign Policy Thinking in Latin America: Concepts, Approaches and Research Directions
Prokhorenko I.L.
Abstract

The author tries to define terms, concepts and categories the most frequently used by Latin America scholars and to define the directions and thematic focus of their academic activities in the foreign policy and international relations research area by applying the discourse and content analysis of relevant scientific publications, its abstracts and keywords. It was concluded that de facto, under the influence or even the dominance of the Western political science and the Western international relations theory, the particular Latin America foreign policy thinking has emerged and continues to develop. It is non-Western essentially, taking into account the belonging of the Latin America and the Caribbean countries to the periphery and/or semi-periphery of the global world. The following factors have been also important: common civilizational basis and similar institutional and political characteristics of the formation and dynamics of the Latin America countries and societies, many general development problems, common regional challenges and threats which require collective efforts for searching effective responses on them. Similarly, the significant role of external factors and global actors that influence country and international political processes in the Latin America region is noted. And also those possibilities which the trend towards polycentric world order paves the way for the leading powers in the region are taken into consideration. The author focuses on the concepts of the autonomy and dependency (or dependence development) when Latin America scholars analyzing the foreign policy of the concrete countries in the region and integration processes which construct the regional and sub-regional transnational political spaces. Attention is paid to the specificity of comparative foreign policy studies and spatial turn in the Latin America international relations studies.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):177-186
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Formation of the Chinese School of International Relations: Analytical Approaches and Research Methods
Grachikov E.N.
Abstract

In 1987, the first All-China Conference of international scholars took place in Shanghai, which is associated with the beginning of the process of creating the Chinese School of International Relations. Over these decades, a vast array of scientific literature has accumulated, exploring the interaction China with other countries and world community. The article is devoted to the study of analytical approaches prevailing in the Chinese academic environment in the study of foreign policy and world politics of the PRC, and specifically, in relation to the United States. Deng Xiaoping’s “reform and openness” policy contributed to the revival of the discipline of “international relations” and the intensification of international research in academic institutions and universities in China. A deep and systemic influence on these processes was exerted by several factors: uncritical borrowing of western international political knowledge, full-scale training of Chinese scholars in Western, mainly American, universities, and the translation into Chinese of most theoretical works of Western scientists. Methodological tools which include the analytical approaches used by Chinese scientists are taken from publications on realism, liberalism and constructivism. In realism, the emphasis is done on the balance of power, which is investigated in the framework of foreign policy analysis. The interdependence of China and the United States, primarily economic, the subject of study from the point of view of neoliberalism. The socialization and involvement of China in the world community and the liberal world order led by the United States are constructivist studies of bilateral relations. Yan Xuetong’s “theory of moral realism”, Qin Yaqing’s “theory of relations”, the Shanghai school’s “international symbiosis”, and Tan Shiping’s “social evolution of world politics” did not go beyond these paradigms, but are already used as their own innovative methods in a study of China’s relations with external actors. The article pays special attention to the dual identity of the Chinese state, as a developing country and a global power, which is publicly voiced by its representatives. This duality imposes regulatory restrictions on the use of analytical tools and, of course, affects the results of research.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):187-200
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The BRICS: Paradigm Shift in Dealing with New Challenges
Martynov B.F.
Abstract

The mankind has been actively using a relatively new geopolitical space: the space of information. Obviously, the economic and scientific progress opens new horizons and possibilities, still not clearly understood by people. This brings about many changes, with either good or bad consequences, depending on who uses the information and what aims are pursued. The present system of international relations is characterized by many new features; it’s becoming more “unpredictable” and “chaotic”. Information wars and “fake” news contribute in its turn to the turbulent character of international relations, pushing forward misconceptions and distorted visions of different situations, and thus provoking conflicts. At the same time, the world is badly short of new ideas, which could more adequately answer the global problems. These new ideas could hardly be produced by the “old”, traditional actors. At the same time, the BRICS countries, representing the new “ascending” civilizations of non-Western nature and not being bound in this sense by the rules of “Euro-Atlantic solidarity”, could collectively propose some new approaches to the global issues. BRICS, as a format of states with accelerated economic indices, should lay a wider conceptual platform for its further dynamics. It should provide a more active information policy and elaborate a “new” conceptual basis, founded on rather traditional and “old” principles - common respect for the international law, derived from political and juridical cultures, historic and social practices.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):201-206
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West African International Studies: Approaches to Regional Security
Shipilov A.Y.
Abstract

This article covers the most significant theoretical schools in West Africa in the framework of the international relations analysis, with special focus on the regional security. Major respective theoretical approaches to the given issues are assessed based on the writings of local experts that frequently reevaluate the major articles of faith connected with neo-Realist, neo-Liberal and Marxist views. Particular attention is drawn to the examination of various interpretations of the role that belongs to supranational regional structures in West African conflict resolution using the case of the Liberian civil war. The most crucial part of the research presented is an analysis of publications issued by Adekye Adebajo and Ismail Rashid, two leading West African specialists in the field of regional security. Their appraisal of collective security mechanisms’ perspectives in the most poverty-stricken and unstable regions of the world is elaborated upon. The aim of the article is to determine the extent of uniqueness present in Adebajo and Rashid’s approaches compared to their Western and African colleagues but also to figure how West African 1990-2000’s conflicts’ analysis did have an impact on the scholars’ theoretical views and more broadly what was its contribution to the regional understanding of international relations. The research is based upon comparative and historical-genetic methods as well as case studies. The major elements composing the scholars’ analysis of successes and failures in the path of West African integration are presented along with their appraisal of the ECOWAS security component. A comparison is made between their views and those of their regional colleagues belonging to other schools of thought as well as Western theories that had the greatest impact on these authors.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):207-217
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Latin American Reflections on Integration Processes: from Theory of Peripheral Capitalism to “Sudamexit”
Kheifets L.S., Konovalova K.A.
Abstract

Integration processes in Latin America and Caribbean basin have been traditionally provoking strong research interest. Over the past decades, Latin American integration has tested plethora of institutional designs, ranging from relatively uniform subregional trade blocs - CACM, LAFTA, etc. to multifunctional partnerships with an identity-forming component, like Unasur or CELAC. This paper is an attempt to show how the Latin American academic community itself analyzes the integration in the “domestic” region. Forming the literature review, the authors, firstly, show how Latin American integrationism has transformed with the successive change of the phases of the “old”, “open” and “post-liberal” regionalism. Despite the fact that the types of integration in each of the periods differ significantly, scientists approach them in quite a similar way. They have been engineering the region socially and have been using such basic concepts as globalización , soberanía and desarrollo . The theory and practice of Latin American integration has always been closely intertwined. Secondly, the authors distinguish three today’s Latin American “big discourses” about integration - political-economic, geopolitical and state-centered. Each of these discourses takes into account the internal and external conditions that led to the post-liberal phase of integration. Third, expert forecasts about the prospects of regional associations against the background of the crisis tendencies of recent years are presented in this paper. Latin American experts agree on the fact that regional integration has entered the new phase, the most important features of which are the globalization slowing down, the complication of inter-American relations due to the “Trump factor”, the decline of left-progressist forces in the region.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):218-233
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Geopolitics of the Sea: the Idea of Ocean Control in the Political Discourse of Independent India
Kupriyanov A.V.
Abstract

The article is devoted to the history of the idea of control over the Indian Ocean in the context of the development of India’s political discourse. This issue relates to the history of the development of the maritime security component of India in colonial and postcolonial times. The author seeks to analyze the genesis of the idea of India’s control over the sea, the main stages of its formation and its specific features. The relevance of the issue is emphasized by the attention paid in present-day India to the problem of effective control over the Indian Ocean, its perception as zone of Indian dominance in the context of the formation of the Indo-Pacific region. The article proves that the concept of ocean control, which is now popular among Indian politicians and experts, was formed as a result of the consistent evolution of discourse, to which theorists, military and politicians contributed. As a result of this evolution, India developed its own concept of control over sea spaces, implying the role of India as the main supplier of security in the region and the leader of the regional community of countries, which includes the states controlling the key points of the Indian Ocean. This evolution can be divided into three stages. During the first one (1947-1965) the doctrine of ‘possession of the sea’ was formulated, and this was done by K.M. Panikkar and K.B. Vaidya. Those plans, however, were not realized due to lack of resources. During the second stage (1965-1991) the idea was removed from the Indian external and internal political discourse. At the same time Navy’s size and equipment were constantly growing, allowing India to defeat Pakistan at sea in 1971 and successfully solve tactical tasks, supporting profitable status quo in the Indian Ocean region. Finally, during the third stage (1991-2019) the idea of control over the ocean was revived. As a result of this evolution, India developed its own concept of control over ocean spaces, implying the role of the country as the main supplier of security in the region and the leader of the regional community of countries, which includes the states controlling the key points of the Indian Ocean.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):234-246
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Development of International Relations at the Periphery: The Case of Bangladesh
Yasmin L.
Abstract

International Relations (IR) is no longer considered as an academic discipline that analyzes the major powers or great powers’ activities only. From its Cold War content of emphasizing on traditional state-centric security, it has traversed a long way to expand its subject matter. Similarly, smaller nations and their imprints on international politics are also emerging as a significant area of inquiry in IR. This article seeks to contribute to this inquiry by discussing Bangladesh’s rising significance and how academic IR addresses this issue. It traces the history of IR in Bangladesh as well as its gradual expansion. It discusses the growth of IR as an academic discipline at the University of Dhaka, Bangladesh, that gradually led to the development of IR studies in other parts of the country. The article documents this growth, which is the first of its kind to trace the rise and development of IR in Bangladesh. It therefore fulfils the lacuna in understanding how and where the growth of IR took place in a non-western country. One might contend what is the relevance of studying IR in Bangladesh. The article argues that despite being physically small , academic IR has generated interest in Bangladesh due to the changing geostrategic significance of the country. The article outlines the rising geopolitical significance of Bangladesh where great powers are interested to come and be a part of Bangladesh’s development. It is in this context, the study of IR becomes more pertinent in Bangladesh.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):247-255
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PEACE AND SECURITY
Gaullism and Neogaullism: Foreign Policy Continuity and Dynamics in France
Kornilov A.A., Afonshina A.I.
Abstract

Article describes the main priorities and objectives of foreign policy of Gaullism and neogaullism, trying to underline those elements that remain untouched during the decades and those that have been transformed due to the changes on the international arena. Besides, the authors focus on the notion of “grandeur” that was extensively used by the general de Gaulle, and estimate the direct influence of this concept on the French foreign policy. The main foreign policy priorities of Charles de Gaulle include independent foreign policy, status quo change in the bipolar world and great power status regain. Foreign policy priorities of neogaullists, Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy, haven’t been changed so far, but the ways of achieving goals are different now. Both presidents have been trying to develop the EU integration, even through strengthening the supranational institutions, and develop the integration with NATO (Sarkozy even returned France to the military structures of NATO). France, led by neogaullists, also conducted an active policy in the Mediterranean, cooperating not only with traditional partners (Arab states) but making attempts to restore relations with Israel. Sarkozy launched the idea of the Mediterranean Union that had the aim to strengthen the influence of France in the region, boost cooperation with Mediterranean countries and solve the numerous problems that all of them were facing. But this idea wasn’t realized as it was supposed to. In general, neogaullists follow the main principles of Charles de Gaulle, also responding to the current challenges. It’s worth mentioning that the authors analyze the foreign policy of French presidents holistically from the point of view of neogaullism, trying to evaluate the level of continuity during the decades and conclude whether the provisions of Gaullism are relevant for France in the 21st century.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):256-263
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Forced Migration in Sub-Saharan Africa
Kommegni Fongang J.P.
Abstract

Migration is an important issue in modern international relations. This article discusses the characteristics of forced migration in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Africa is a continent where migration has many species and actively influences the political situation in the countries of the continent. Migration in Africa is caused both by internal problems of the countries (political instability, famine, massacres, military conflicts, disturbance of public order, human rights violations) and external factors. All of these factors provoke mass population movements, forming new configurations of migration processes. At the same time, the fact that most of the migrants, moving to new places of residence, remain on the African continent is often ignored. Frequent causes of migration in Africa are economic factors: imbalances and uneven development, lack of employment opportunities, bad living conditions and low wages. At the same time, people migrate to Africa not only to improve their well-being. Military conflicts, threats to life or human rights violations are extremely common causes of forced migration in Africa. According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (2018), more than 80 million Africans emigrated, leaving their country to settle permanently in another. The relevance of the article is due to the increase of forced migration volume in the SSA countries in 2000-2018 and the need to understand the reasons for this process. This article discusses forced migration in SSA countries. Based on the analysis, the main causes of forced migration in the SSA countries are identified, including political instability, famine, military conflicts, human rights violations, deterioration of socioeconomic conditions and the environmental problems in the countries of the region.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):264-273
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INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS
International Development Agenda in Resolutions of General Assembly and ECOSOC of the United Nations from 1946 to 2000
Ignatov A.A., Safonkina E.A.
Abstract

The United Nations established after the Second World War by the winner countries was a key institution which formed the conceptual basis for international development possessed all necessary instruments and knowledge for its implementation in concrete countries. The paper explores a role of two main UN bodies - General Assembly (UN GA) and Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) in forming and pushing international development from the Organization establishment and till adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in 2000. To implement this research task the authors apply content-analysis and comparative historical analysis methods. A special database of the UN GA and ECOSOC documents dated 1946-2000 devoted to the development issues was made as well. The authors come to a conclusion that at the initial stage (1946-1959) both the UN GA and ECOSOC handled the similar tasks aimed at creating a new system of development institutions. After the adoption in 1961 the first Development Decade by the UN and till 2000 a process of division of powers of two bodies started. During this period a share of program documents in the GA discourse increased that laid a foundation for adoption by the global community the MDGs in 2000, operational and organizational issues were absorbed by the ECOSOC. The UN General Assembly was an important platform for the international dialogue on development which made it possible for the global community to adopt the Millennium Development Goals and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the 21st century. The UN GA acted as a catalyzing power for inclusion of new development issues in the agenda and creations of instruments and mechanisms for their implementation. The ECOSOC played a technical and coordinating role in a process of elaborating the international development agenda.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):274-283
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BILATERIAL RELATIONS
Algerian-Russian Cooperation: True Strategic Partnership?
Mousli M.
Abstract

Formally, the Algerian-Russian partnership is labeled “strategic”. This research is providing the answer whether this relationship could be qualified as a “strategic partnership”. Firstly, through the “strategic partnership” concept analysis as a mechanism of modern international cooperation, and secondly, applying the defined elements of “strategic partnership” to the Algerian-Russian relations. The interstate strategic partnership is generally based on the following elements: long and distinguished historical relations, material factors such as strong economic and political relations in the long term, and non-material factors such as common values. By process-tracing some selected economic and political fields and issues of the Algerian-Russian relationship, this article reveals the significance of 2001 as a crucial point that has urged both Algiers and Moscow to significantly alter both their outlook on global politics and on each other. Moreover, distinguished historical lasting and steady ties are at the heart of Algeria's strategic partnership with Russia. The Algerian-Russian / Soviet relations have always been distinct and exemplary both during the War of Independence and during the Cold War or after. Algeria and Russia link a number of common values. These include commitment to democracy, pluralism, the rule of law, and respect for international law. Both countries also respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the partner states, promoting a more equitable and balanced system of international relations based on collective solution of global problems, the primacy of international law, and equal relations with the central coordinating role of the UN as the main organization governing international relations. This leads to the conclusion that cooperation between Algeria and Russia is both real and formally a “strategic partnership”.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):284-292
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POLITICAL PORTRAITS
Oliver Tambo’s International Policy: Unique Features of the South African Foreign Policy Process and Personality Factor
Arkhangelskaya A.A.
Abstract

The aim of the work is to develop an understanding of the role of Oliver Tambo as the actual head of the foreign policy department of South Africa during the period of implementation of the policy of apartheid and the process of decolonization of the African continent. The author’s thesis is that the African National Congress (ANC) foreign policy during the period of South Africa’s activities as a state supporting racial segregation was of the nature of external representation. The development of foreign policy was identical to the formation of a new state. The uniqueness of the analyzed situation is expressed in the fact that for the first time in history, international relations were established not only by a party that does not politically agree with state ideology, but also does not show its loyalty to any political blocs. The theses presented by Oliver Tambo in the conditions of the Cold War were democratic, consistent with the principles of civil choice and were not identified as the need for armed confrontation. It is these aspects that enabled the transition of power to the radical majority to avoid prolonged civil wars or conflicts involving international armed groups. The basis of the methodology is the understanding of the international process during the liberation of Africa and the choice of allies for this process by representatives of the leading world powers. The author uses the historical method and the method of direct oppositions of the position of Oliver Tambo and a significant number of ideological proposals from the leading world powers of the time under investigation. The article shows that the activities of Oliver Tambo fully comply with the regulations and traditions in the performance of their functions by the foreign affairs ministries. The author argues that the leading role of the ANC and O. Tambo in particular is to ensure the preservation of stability in the socioeconomic development of South Africa with the transit of power in the 1990s and the preservation of the pace of development of South Africa in the 2000s. The work examines the period from the appointment of O. Tambo to the post of Secretary General of the ANC to his death. It is noted that, in addition to the revealed features of O. Tambo’s activities for South Africa for the general theory of international relations, the above facts showed how to build cooperation with non-institutional actors in world politics.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):293-301
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SCIENTIFIC SCHOOL
Studying IR in the Global South. Interview with Professor Navnita Chadha Behera, University of Delhi, India
- -.
Abstract
Navnita Chadha Behera is Professor of International Relations at the Department of Political Science at the University of Delhi (India) and currently a Fulbright Visiting Fellow at the Sigur Centre for Asian Studies, George Washington University (USA). Dr. Behera is also presently Vice-President, International Studies Association (ISA) and Honorary Director, the Institute for Research on India and International Studies. She is a former visiting scholar at the Brookings Institution. Dr. Behera is the author of Demystifying Kashmir [Behera 2006a], the editor of Gender, Conflict and Migration [Behera 2006b], International Relations in South Asia: Search for an Alternative Paradigm [Behera 2008] and India Engages the World [Behera, Vanaik 2013], and writes extensively on IR in South Asia. In her interview, Prof. Behera talks about studying International Relations (IR) in the Global South countries, especially in India, and compares level and quality of education and academic approaches to IR Studies in both the Global North and the Global South. Prof. Behera also analyzes the possibility of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) to become a unified structure for the Eurasian states.
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):302-305
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INTERNATIONAL EDUCATIONAL COOPERATION
Education of International Migrants’ Children: A Contribution to the Sustainable Development?
Omelchenko E.A.
Abstract

Due to the Agenda for Sustainable Development adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2015, the world community is to obtain a quality education and a possibility for life-long education for everybody. Children from the families of international migrants are the most vulnerable category of the population. At the end of 2017 nearly 36 million of school age children grew in the families of international migrants. The author describes problems of the education of migrants’ children in the context of the importance of achieving Sustainable Development Goals, stated by the international community. There is an analysis of the European and Russian experience in the sphere of organizing access of migrants’ children to preschool, primary and secondary education. The author has gathered concrete statistics concerning the percentage of international migrants’ children at schools in different countries. Some approaches to teaching and creating a comfortable integration-oriented environment for such children are described. Based on analyzing Russian and foreign publications, as well as on her own research experience, the author names main problems that prevent international migrants’ children from the integration into a new educational environment. Special attention is paid to the linguistic, social and cultural adaptation of such pupils. The efficiency of several concrete integration practices and the potential to apply them in Russia is searched. The author shows that there are no approaches to diagnose processes and results of integration by means of education. There is also no legislative basis for the regulation of such processes. It is shown that it is crucial for Russia to elaborate and implement the united conceptual approach to the organization of social, cultural, linguistic and psychological adaptation of children from the families of international migrants. The author proves that the education of such children is an important strategic priority and investment into the future of the whole world.

Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):306-316
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REVIEWS
Book Review: Efimova, L.M. & Sapronova, M.A. (Eds.). (2018). Islamic Social and Political Thought Facing the Challenges of Today. Moscow: MGIMO-University publ., 192 p. (In Russian)
Valiakhmetova G.N.
Abstract

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Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):317-319
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Book Review: Shahi, D. (2018). Kautilya and Non-Western IR Theory. Palgrave Pivot, 167 p
Kanisetti A.V.
Abstract

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Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):320-323
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Book Review: Heifetz, V.L. (Eds.). (2019). From Bipolar to Multipolar World: Latin American Vector of International Relations in the 21st century. Moscow: ROSSPEN publ., 494 p. (In Russian)
Kostiuk R.V.
Abstract

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Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):324-326
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Book Review: Iñiguez de Heredia, M. & Wai, Z. (Eds.). (2018). Recentering Africa in International Relations. NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 349 p
Amuhaya C.A.
Abstract
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):327-328
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Book Review: Mthembu, Ph. (2018). China and India’s Development Cooperation in Africa. The Rise of Southern Powers. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 199 p
Deych T.L., Usov V.A.
Abstract
Vestnik RUDN. International Relations. 2019;19(2):329-331
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